The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, or the German-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact, was a non-aggression pact between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union signed on the 23rd of August 1939. This pact was signed between German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop and Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov. It has commonly been used by braindead midwit anti-Communists, such as the obese liar Drew Pavlou[1], and even self-proclaimed "Communists"[2], in order to equate Joseph Stalin with Adolf Hitler, and by extent, the entire Communist movement.
Events Leading Up To the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact
The threat of war against the Soviet Union was objectively growing throughout the 1930's. During 1933, Italy, Nazi Germany, France, and Britain signed the 'Four Powers' agreement, which Germany viewed as the beginning for an Anglo-German alliance against Bolshevism.[3] This agreement also paved the way for a German-Polish Non-Aggression Treaty to be signed in 1934.
In 1935, Britain negotiated an agreement with Nazi Germany in which the German Navy could not be larger than a specific portion of the British fleet. This was in violation of the Versailles treaty, since the British had never actually consulted France nor Italy about this issue.
In 1937, the Soviet fears about a potential Anglo-German alliance was substantiated. In 1937, Lord Halifax, Chamberlain's foreign secretary, claimed that Nazi Germany was a 'bulwark of the West against Bolshevism'. In 1938, Chamberlain stated he had a '...most profound distrust of Russia."[4] In early 1938, the Western powers conceded Austria to Germany. Later that year, without consulting Czechoslovakia whatsoever, they allowed Hitler to establish sovereignty over the entire area. Interestingly enough, Poland had also collaborated in 'partitioning' Czechoslovakia as well, and even negotiated with Hitler to obtain the regions of Zaolzie and Javorina![5]
Soviet-British-French Negotiations for a Tripartite Pact
In March 1939, Britain made a unilateral guarantee to the Polish government, and later in April asked the Soviet Union that it should issue a declaration offering military assistance to any state bordering the USSR, on the off-chance the faced aggression of any kind.[6] Two days later, the Soviet Union responded and stated it would not consider a unilateral guarantee, citing inequality with the other powers concerned. Instead, it proposed that:
- A trilateral mutual assistance treaty be established
- The extension of these guarantees to the Baltic states and Finland. Failure to guarantee these states was an open invitation to Germany to expand eastward
- The treaty must not be vague.[7]
On the 27th of May, the British and French replied to the Soviet Union with a draft of the tripartite pact.[8] In a letter to his sister, Chamberlain commented on the draft, and stated: "In substance it gives the Russians what they want, but in form and presentation it avoids the idea of an alliance and substitutes declaration of intention. It is really a most ingenious idea"[9]
Earlier that month in May, Maksim Litvinov, who served as the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs and the primary individual negotiating with the allies, was replaced by Vyacheslav Molotov. The replacement is also used as another accusation of Stalin's supposed 'antisemitism', but this is incorrect. Anti-communists claim that Litvinov was replaced as a prelude to the 1939 Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact, since Litvinov was Jewish; however, the USSR was far from abandoning collective security talks between Britain and France.
According to historian Geoffrey Roberts,
"Molotov pursued them with even more vigor than Litvinov. The most likely explanation is that Molotov's appointment was connected to Litvinov's failure to make any headway in negotiations."[10]
Molotov quickly pointed out in the May draft that, in the event of hostilities, there would be no immediate mutual assistance, but 'consultation' through the League of Nations. After reading the draft, he claimed that it was, "...poorly compatible with the demand for the effectiveness of this mutual assistance."[11] On June 2nd, the Soviet Union submitted a counter-draft addressing these problems.[12] However, the British and French responded by saying that the Baltic States and Finland refused to be openly guaranteed.[13]
In response to this, the USSR suggested that it drop the Baltic States and Finland for the time being and asked that an agreement between the 3 Powers on mutual assistance only should be signed as soon as possible, which was a major concession for the Soviet Union. The British and French denied this.[14]
Yet, the Soviet Union continued to insist that a military convention be signed at the same time as a political treaty, so that there would be no possibility of any vagueness in it. In Mid-July, Molotov stated that there was no point in discussions until a military convention was concluded.[15]
On July 23rd, the British and French finally agreed to begin military discussions[16]. Nobody had told Britain that the airplane had been invented, so a delegation headed by British Admiral Drax arrived at Leningrad by a slow boat, and then proceeded to Moscow in mid-July. Drax admitted that they were not there to actually sign a pact, as he had no authority to. All the delegation could do was 'negotiate'.[17]
In further discussions, the Soviet party made it excessively clear to the British and French that any military agreement would involve Red Army soldiers moving through Polish territory in order to fight the Germans.[18][19] With this in mind, French Foreign Minister Bonnet makes clear to the French Ambassador to Poland Noel, that the Poles agreeing to allow Soviet troops into Polish territory was essential for any collective security agreement to function.[20]
In a telegram between Polish Foreign Minister Josef Beck and Polish Ambassador to France Juliucz Lukasiewicz (polish jibber translator: Yuliush Lukasevich) , Beck openly declared that Poland REFUSES to sign any military agreements with the USSR.[21] This effectively sealed Poland's fate and signaled the end of the Polish state.
Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact Contents
On August 23rd, 1939, an non-aggression agreement between Germany and the Soviet Union was formulated. The text states that:
- The USSR and Germany promise not to attack, or commit aggression, against one another.
- If one Party is at war with a third Power, then the other Party should not lend support to that third Power.
- Both Parties should maintain contact in the future for the purpose of dialogue to exchange information between each other.
- No Party should take part in any grouping of powers that is either directly or indirectly aimed at the other Party.
- If conflict arises between both Parties, they should settle their disputes through discussion.
- This treaty is concluded for 10 years.
- This treaty should be ratified ASAP and ratification will take place in Berlin.[22]
In 1946, a 'Secret Additional Protocol' was found to the Pact. This 'secret protocol' outlines the Soviet and German 'spheres of influence' along a line extending from the northern boundary of Lithuania, and extending across the Narev, Vistula, and San rivers in Poland. In Bessarabia, the German side declares a 'political disinterestedness' in these areas.
Many midwit retards claim that this 'divided up Eastern Europe'. This is not true, and is discussed below.
Lies about the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact
Lie 1: The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was an alliance!
This is incorrect. Non-aggression is not an alliance. If this was the case, you would have to count Poland and Germany as being allies throughout 1934-39.
Lie 2: The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact divided up Eastern Europe!
No, the Pact does not reference any 'invasion' or 'occupation' in the areas designated in the Secret Protocol. This is supported by primary-source evidence.
On September 7th, Chief of the General Staff of the German Army, Franz Halder, wrote in his 'War Diary':[23]
"3 Possibilites [the situation may develop]:
- Poland comes to negotiations. He [Hitler] is ready for negotiations.
- Separation from Britain and France
- 'Residual' Poland is recognized.
- Narev [river] to Warsaw - to Poland
- Industrial zone - to us
- Krakow - to Poland
- The Northern Edge of the Beskidow Mountains - to us
- Ukraine is independent"
So, Hitler considered independence for the Polish part of Ukraine. But, this area was in the SOVIET sphere of influence. Why would Hitler consider this if the Pact's Secret Protocols really referenced invading the specified territories? On the 9th, Halder noted:
"OB Note: b) the independence of Western Ukraine"[23]
On the 10th, he noted:
"Warlimont: a) A call to the Western Ukraine is imminent"[23]
The annotated text of Halder's diaries on the 11th reads:
"...namely for the establishment of an independent state from the Polish Ukraine"[23]
On the 12th, he noted that the Russians believed that a negotiated settlement would leave a 'residual' Poland in existence.[23]
So, up until at least the 12th, Hitler still considered independence for Polish Ukraine. It also shows that the Soviet Union expected that a treaty would be established between Germany and Poland, that would leave a 'residual' Poland in existence. Furthermore, it is also evidence that the Secret Protocols do not reference the 'invasion' or the 'annexation' of anybody.
Once brought up, many Polish nationalists claim that Hitler broke the alliance anyway 2 years later, so this is evidence that he had the intention to break it when he considered independence for Ukraine. Why would Hitler break the pact just weeks after signing, although the goal of the Pact for Hitler was to avoid a two-front war?
What do Spheres of Influence actually mean?
Simple. The 'spheres of influence' are just about protecting frontiers from invasions. Article II of the Secret Protocol reads:
"In the event of a territorial and political rearrangement of the areas belonging to the Polish state, the spheres of influence of Germany and the U.S.S.R. shall be bounded approximately by the line of the rivers Narev, Vistula and San. The question of whether the interests of both parties make desirable the maintenance of an independent Polish States and how such a state should be bounded can only be definitely determined in the course of further political developments. In any event both Governments will resolve this question by means of a friendly agreement."[22]
So, as long as an 'independent Polish State' continued to exist, it would be east of the Narev-Vistula-San line and Germany could not send troops over this frontier. This would establish a 'residual' Poland mentioned earlier in Halder's diaries. In this case, if the Polish army were beaten, it could travel beyond the Narev-Vistula-San river line and sue for peace with Germany. That way, Poland would be way more likely to sign a treaty with the Soviet Union (a treaty they were rejecting just weeks before the war).
Lie 3: The Soviet Union invaded Poland with Nazi Germany!
This statement is gay and retarded.
In reality, there was NO "Poland", or any Polish governmental entity, that existed by the time the USSR entered into former Poland. Thus, they couldn't invade Poland, much less invade it "with Germany".
This was the position of the Soviet Government. On the 17th, Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Vladimir Potemkin handed a note to Polish Ambassador Grzybowski (polish jibber translator: Gzhibovskiy), stating that the Polish government had collapsed, and treaties thereby ceased to operate.[24]
This is a correct statement. Throughout mid-September, many Polish government officials fled into neighboring Romania, thereby abandoning their government responsibilities. Romania was neutral in the war, and by crossing over to it, these remnants became 'interned'. Recognizing the Polish government in Romania would therefore be a violation of Romanian neutrality and a hostile act toward Hitler. Romania did not want this. The reality of Polish internment became excessively clear throughout the rest of September, and it showed that both the Polish President and Romania both tacitly admitted that Poland was bereft of a state!
This was because Romania realized that the Polish President, Moscicki (polish jibber translator: Moskitskiy) was lying when he claimed he 'legally' resigned on the 30th. So, Romania had to fabricate a story that he resigned on the 15th, just before entering Romania, but Moscicki never made this claim![25]
This whole fiasco happened because resignation is an official act. Only a government official can resign. Moscicki was interned, and therefore, not a government official.
Obviously, if the Soviet Union 'jointly' invaded Poland with Germany, we would for sure see evidence of military cooperation and planning before the war even began. But, there is no such evidence.
The plan for the Wehrmacht's Polish campaign was drawn up on April 1939, and was named 'Fall Weiß". The attacks were to come from the West (the main direction), the North (from East Prussia), and the South (from Slovakia). It was planned to defeat the main forces within two weeks.[26]
The Soviet Union is only mentioned twice in this regard. It reads:
Вмешательство России, если бы она была на это способна, по всей вероятности, не по¬огло бы Польше, так как это означало бы уничтожение ее большевизмом.
..
На Балтийском море задачами ВМС являются:
б) Разведка и принятие мер по прикрытию, по возможности скрытно, на случай выступления советских военно-морских сил со стороны Финского залива.
Translated, this reads:
Russian intervention, if it had been capable of it, would probably not have helped Poland, for it would have meant its destruction by Bolshevism.
..
In the Baltic Sea, the tasks of the Navy are:
b) Reconnaissance and taking cover measures, if possible covertly, in case of a Soviet naval intervention from the Gulf of Finland.
This shows that the Germans saw the intervention of the USSR was considered unlikely, as the military leadership of Germany only feared the Baltic Fleet of the USSR. Yet, this was months before the signing of the Pact.
On August 31st, 1939, days after the signing of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, the Germans released the "Directive No. 1 for the Conduct of War". It established adherence to 'Fall Weiß" and set the date for the start of the Polish campaign. However, this directive says nothing about the Soviet Union[27] - that is, after August 23, 1939, there was no adjustment to the plan for the Nazi invasion of Poland, especially its goals and objectives.
Lie 4: There were joint-victory parades at Brest! This means that it was actually a joint-invasion!
No. There was no joint-victory parade anywhere on September 22nd.
The question obviously arises is why did the supposed joint-parade not take place in Warsaw, but some random provincial town? For example, an actual joint parade was hosted in Athens in Greece.[28] Another question also arises as to how the actions of the Soviet troops conformed to the formation regulations of the infantry of the Red Army[29] in order to be considered a parade (The answer: it wasn't)
No such parade existed; however, it was a 'ceremony of handing over the city' in which the Germans left & the Soviet troops entered Brest. This ceremony was attended by commanders of both armies, Krivoshein and Guderian. All of this was documented in the protocol.[30][31]
Lie 5: Moscicki, the Polish president, and Beck, left AFTER the Soviet invasion of Poland. So, the USSR did invade Poland.
This is incorrect. It is true, however, that Beck and Moscicki left on September 18th; however, if the government and commanders of the military were fleeing since mid-September, which has already been proven earlier, then the collapse was a ongoing process culminating around the time of the Soviet intervention.
It was not that the Polish government functionally existed only until Moscicki and Beck stepped foot in Romania.
Lie 6: The USSR invaded an innocent Finland in adherence to the Spheres of Influence agreement
The Spheres of Influence was NOT about annexing or invading anybody, as stated previously.
Finland was fascist much before 1939. The "People's Patriotic Movement" (or the IKL Party) had direct ties to German fascists and had been planning an anti-Soviet attack for years.[32] The IKL also had an outsized influence over government and the police.[33]
Vladimir Stavskiy, a Soviet soldier who was stated at Mainila, testified that:
Так шли дни, вплоть до 26 ноября.
Это был обычный наш день на границе. К утру выпал легкий снежок. И воздух был особенно свеж.
В поле, в лесу шли обычные красноармейские занятия. Группа лыжников мчалась по равнине, стремительно спускалась с бугров и косогоров, взлетала на высотки.
И этот мягкий, бодрящий день, и румяные деловые лица красноармейцев, и легкий звон синиц в лесу, — все сливалось в одно светлое и легкое впечатление.
И вдруг оттуда, с угрюмой финской стороны, резко гукнула пушка. Еще и еще.
По воздуху с нарастающим воем пронеслись снаряды. Они разорвались на нашей, советской стороне. И на свежий снег брызнула кровь.
Так же внезапно, как и открыли огонь, замолкли на финской стороне пушки.
Лежали на снегу убитые наши товарищи. На лицах у них как будто навеки застыла печать недоумения.[34]
Translated, this says:
So the days went on, until November 26.
It was our usual day at the border. A light snow fell in the morning. And the air was especially fresh.
In the field, in the woods there were usual Red Army activities. A group of skiers raced across the plain, swiftly descended from hillocks and slopes, took off to the heights.
And this soft, invigorating day, and the ruddy, businesslike faces of the Red Army men, and the light ringing of titmice in the forest - everything merged into one light and lung impression.
And suddenly from there, from the sullen Finnish side, a cannon boomed sharply. Another and another.
Shells flew through the air with a growing howl. They exploded on our, Soviet side. And blood spattered on the fresh snow.
Just as suddenly as they opened fire, the guns on the Finnish side fell silent.
Our dead comrades were lying on the snow. On their faces there seemed to be a seal of bewilderment forever.
This showed that the Finns had attacked first on the 26th of November. Scholarly sources seem to agree as well.[35]
Why did the USSR intervene in former Poland?
On the 15th of September, German Foreign Minister warned Friedrich Werner von der Schulenburg, the German ambassador to Moscow, that if Moscow did not enter eastern Poland, there would be stateless areas in which new states may form.[36] Ribbentrop did not refer to "Poland" in this message. He did, however, refer to the area lying "...east of the German zone of influence." This shows that Germany did not view Poland as a legitimate political entity. Schulenburg reported this to Molotov.
In a summary of Molotov's reply, Schulenburg confirmed that the Germans believed that Poland no longer existed.[37]
Even if the argument could be made that a Polish state still existed at this time, the USSR would have to deal with the fact that Germany no longer recognized such an entity. This meant that the whole Spheres of Influence regarding Poland was void. This also meant that Germany could advance hundreds more kilometers to the Soviet border, and form pro-Nazi puppet states in these areas, as they were attempting to do.[38]
Leftist Response to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact
Many leftists and self-proclaimed "communists" have embraced the historical falsifications about the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact[2]. Other communists believe that the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was not an alliance, but do not question that the 'Secret Protocols' directly referenced invading the countries outlined.[39]
Their historical argument seems to fall in that other powers had made agreements with Hitler far before the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was even concluded. This is correct, but "who did it first" is not a coherent argument in order to convince anybody that Hitler and Stalin were not allies. 95% of the "communist" discourse surrounding the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact is repeating the same copy and paste argument ad nauseam. Better sources and explanations exist, but that would take more time and reading to find - unacceptable!
Conclusion
Anyone who uses the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact as 'evidence' of a German-Soviet alliance are either:
- Probably mentally disabled
- A homosexual
- Illiterate
- A deliberate liar
Or perhaps, a combination of all four.
- ↑ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mDXpVr9BUUA&t=3195s
- ↑ 2.0 2.1 https://twitter.com/VenturCommunist/status/1363839700268707842
- ↑ The Royal Navy and Nazi Germany, 1933–39 A Study in Appeasement and the Origins of the Second World War. London: Macmillan Press.
- ↑ https://www.jstor.org/stable/4396261
- ↑ https://books.google.com/books?id=wze-u1YC8jcC&pg=PA94&lpg=PA94&dq=%22Hitler+agreed+to+this,+against+the+wishes+of+G%C3%B6ring+and+German+military+leaders.%22&source=bl&ots=3xGIEOQuED&sig=ACfU3U3a_iPknAQPBKtGsgxDdoNHSaOo7Q&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiWhajTsoGDAxUumGoFHca-B7QQ6AF6BAgKEAM#v=onepage&q&f=false
- ↑ http://www.doc20vek.ru/node/355
- ↑ http://doc20vek.ru/node/360
- ↑ http://doc20vek.ru/node/464
- ↑ Chamberlain, Neville, and Robert C. Self. “Letters to Ida 1939.” The Neville Chamberlain Diary Letters: The Downing Street Years 1934-1940, vol. 4, 2005, p. 418. Bowker, doi:10.1604/9780754652663.
- ↑ Roberts, Geoffrey. Molotov. U of Nebraska Press, 2012, http://books.google.ie/books?id=EBYqDwAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=Molotov+Stalins+cold+warrior&hl=&cd=1&source=gbs_api
- ↑ http://doc20vek.ru/node/463
- ↑ http://hrono.info/dokum/193_dok/19390602pro.html
- ↑ http://doc20vek.ru/node/479
- ↑ http://hrono.info/dokum/193_dok/19390616molot.html
- ↑ http://hrono.info/dokum/193_dok/19390717molot.html
- ↑ http://doc20vek.ru/node/809
- ↑ http://www.hrono.info/dokum/193_dok/19390812cccp.html
- ↑ https://www.doc20vek.ru/node/900
- ↑ https://www.doc20vek.ru/node/910
- ↑ http://www.hrono.info/dokum/193_dok/19390816bonne.html
- ↑ http://www.hrono.info/dokum/193_dok/19390820bek.html
- ↑ 22.0 22.1 https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/mod/1939pact.asp
- ↑ 23.0 23.1 23.2 23.3 23.4 http://www.history.org.ua/LiberUA/5-17-015903-X/5-17-015903-X.pdf
- ↑ http://www.msuweb.montclair.edu/~furrg/research/mlg09/molotov_texts_091739.html
- ↑ https://msuweb.montclair.edu/~furrg/research/mlg09/moscicki_resignation.html
- ↑ https://www.doc20vek.ru/node/349
- ↑ https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/wardir1.asp
- ↑ http://photochronograph.ru/2013/05/19/vtoraya-mirovaya-vtorzhenie-v-greciyu/
- ↑ http://rkka.ru/docs/real/su38/10.htm
- ↑ http://img-kiev.fotki.yandex.ru/get/3506/kamen-jahr.1c/0_9480_a78cf645_orig.jpg
- ↑ http://kievreporter.com/wp-content/uploads/0_947f_1fb6178d_orig.jpg
- ↑ Silvennoinen, Oula. "‘Home, religion, Fatherland’: movements of the radical right in Finland." Fascism 4.2 (2015): 134-154.
- ↑ https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=&ved=2ahUKEwiRi8etjqyEAxUd5ckDHR4fC_4QFnoECBAQAQ&url=https%3A%2F%2Fcontribee.com%2Ftext-post-attachment%2F5930&usg=AOvVaw1dhcsr7n-tEymsjU2Gxzav&opi=89978449
- ↑ http://militera.lib.ru/memo/russian/suomi/1_02.html
- ↑ Spring, Derek W. "The Soviet decision for war against Finland, 30 November 1939." Soviet Studies 38.2 (1986): 207-226.
- ↑ https://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/ns072.asp
- ↑ https://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/ns073.asp
- ↑ Julius Mader, Hitlers Spionagegenerale sagen aus. Berlin: Vlg. der Nation. 1971, 122; 124.
- ↑ https://twitter.com/mal0fighter/status/1703766986876924016?s=20