Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact

The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, or the German-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact, was a non-aggression pact between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Unionsigned on the 23rd of August 1939. This pact was signed between German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop and Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov. It has commonly been used by braindead midwit anti-Communists, such as the obese liar Drew Pavlou, and even self-proclaimed "Communists", in order to equate Joseph Stalin with Adolf Hitler, and by extent, the entire Communist movement.

Events Leading Up To the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact

The threat of war against the Soviet Union was objectively growing throughout the 1930's. During 1933, Italy, Nazi Germany, France, and Britain signed the 'Four Powers' agreement, which Germany viewed as the beginning for an Anglo-German alliance against Bolshevism.This agreement also paved the way for a German-Polish Non-Aggression Treaty to be signed in 1934. In 1935, Britain negotiated an agreement with Nazi Germany in which the German Navy could not be larger than a specific portion of the British fleet. This was in violation of the Versailles treaty, since the British had never actually consulted France nor Italy about this issue.

In 1937, the Soviet fears about a potential Anglo-German alliance was substantiated. In 1937, Lord Halifax, Chamberlain's foreign secretary, claimed that Nazi Germany was a 'bulwark of the West against Bolshevism'. In 1938, Chamberlain stated he had a '...most profound distrust of Russia." In early 1938, the Western powers conceded Austria to Germany. Later that year, without consulting Czechoslovakia whatsoever, they allowed Hitler to establish sovereignty over the entire area. Interestingly enough, Poland had also collaborated in 'partitioning' Czechoslovakia as well, and even negotiated with Hitler to obtain the regions of Zaolzie and Javorina!

Soviet-British-French Negotiations for a Tripartite Pact

In March 1939, Britain made a unilateral guarantee to the Polish Government, and later in April asked the Soviet Union that it should issue a declaration offering military assistance to any state bordering the USSR, on the off-chance the faced aggression of any kind.Two days later, the Soviet Union responded and stated it would not consider a unilateral guarantee, citing inequality with the other powers concerned. Instead, it proposed that:

• A trilateral mutual assistance treaty be established
• The extension of these guarantees to the Baltic states and Finland. Failure to guarantee these states was an open invitation to Germany to expand eastward
• The treaty must not be vague.

On the 27th of May, the British and French replied to the Soviet Union with a draft of the tripartite pact. In a letter to his sister, Chamberlain commented on the draft, and stated: "In substance it gives the Russians what they want, but in form and presentation it avoids the idea of an alliance and substitutes declaration of intention. It is really a most ingenious idea"

Earlier that month in May, Maksim Litvinov, who served as the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs and the primary individual negotiating with the allies, was replaced by Vyacheslav Molotov. The replacement is also used as another accusation of Stalin's supposed 'antisemitism', but this is incorrect. Anti-communists claim that Litvinov was replaced as a prelude to the 1939 Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact, since Litvinov was Jewish; however, the USSR was far from abandoning collective security talks between Britain and France. According to historian Geoffrey Roberts, Molotov "...pursued them with even more vigor than Litvinov. The most likely explanation is that Molotov's appointment was connected to Litvinov's failure to make any headway in negotiations.

Vyacheslav quickly pointed out in the May draft that, in the event of hostilities, there would be no immediate mutual assistance, but 'consultation' through the League of Nations. After reading the draft, he claimed that it was, "...poorly compatible with the demand for the effectiveness of this mutual assistance." On June 2nd, the Soviet Union submitted a counter-draft addressing these problems. However, the British and French responded by saying that the Baltic States and Finland refused to be openly guaranteed.

In response to this, the USSR suggested that it drop the Baltic States and Finland for the time being and asked that an agreement between the 3 Powers on mutual assistance only should be signed as soon as possible, which was a major concession for the Soviet Union. The British and French denied this.

Yet, the Soviet Union continued to insist that a military convention be signed at the same time as a political treaty, so that there would be no possibility of any vagueness in it. In Mid-July, Molotov stated that there was no point in discussions until a military convention was concluded.

On July 23rd, the British and French finally agreed to begin military discussions. Nobody had told Britain that the airplane had been invented, so a delegation headed by British Admiral Drax arrived at Leningrad by a slow boat, and then proceeded to Moscow in mid. Drax admitted that they were not there to actually sign a pact, as he had no authority to. All the delegation could do was 'negotiate'.

In further discussions, the Soviet party made it excessively clear to the British and French that any military agreement would involve Red Army soldiers moving through Polish territory in order to fight the Germans. With this in mind, French Foreign Minister Bonnet makes clear to the French Ambassador to Poland Noel, that the Poles agreeing to allow Soviet troops into Polish territory was essential for any collective security agreement to function.

In a telegram between Polish Foreign Minister Josef Beck and Polish Ambassador to France Juliucz Lukasiewicz (polish jibber translator: Yuliush Lukasevich) , Beck openly declared that Poland REFUSES to sign any military agreements with the USSR. This effectively sealed Poland's fate and spelled the end of the Polish state.

Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact Contents

On August 23rd, 1939, an non-aggression agreement between Germany and the Soviet Union was formulated. In summary, it states that no Party will act aggressively toward one another, and that no Party will aid a third Party that the other Party is at war with, for a period of ten years.

In 1946, a 'Secret Additional Protocol' was found to the Pact. This 'secret protocol' outlines the Soviet and German 'spheres of influence' along a line extending from the northern boundary of Lithuania, extending across the Narev, Vistula, and San rivers in Poland. In Bessarabia, the German side declares a 'political disinterestedness' in these areas.

Lies about the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact

Lie 1: The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was an alliance!

This is incorrect. Non-aggression is not an alliance. If this was the case, you would have to count Poland and Germany as being allies throughout 1934-39.

Lie 2: The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact divided up Eastern Europe!

No, the Pact does not reference any 'invasion' or 'occupation' in the areas designated in the Secret Protocol, which is supported by primary-source evidence.

On September 7th, Chief of the General Staff of the German Army, Franz Halder, wrote in his 'War Diary':

"3 Possibilites [the situation may develop]:

1. Poland comes to negotiations. He [Hitler] is ready for negotiations.
2. Separation from Britain and France
3. 'Residual' Poland is recognized.
4. Narev [river] to Warsaw - to Poland
5. Industrial zone - to us
6. Krakow - to Poland
7. The Northern Edge of the Beskidow Mountains - to us
8. Ukraine is independent"

So, Hitler considered independence for the Polish part of Ukraine. But, this area was in the SOVIET sphere of influence? Why would Hitler consider this if the Pact's Secret Protocols really referenced invading the specified territories?

On the 9th, Halder noted:

"OB Note: b) the independence of Western Ukraine"

On the 10th, he noted:

"Warlimont: a) A call to the Western Ukraine is imminent"

The annotated text of Halder's diaries on the 11th reads:

"...namely for the establishment of an independent state from the Polish Ukraine"

On the 12th, he noted that the Russians believed that a negotiated settlement would leave a 'residual' Poland in existence.

So, up until at least the 12th, Hitler still considered independence for Polish Ukraine. It also shows that the Soviet Union expected that a treaty would be established between Germany and Poland, that would leave a 'residual' Poland in existence. Furthermore, it is also evidence that the Secret Protocols do not reference the 'invasion' or the 'annexation' of anybody.

What do Spheres of Influence actually mean?

Simple. The 'spheres of influence' are just about protecting frontiers from invasions. Article II of the Secret Protocol reads:

"In the event of a territorial and political rearrangement of the areas belonging to the Polish state, the spheres of influence of Germany and the U.S.S.R. shall be bounded approximately by the line of the rivers Narev, Vistula and San. The question of whether the interests of both parties make desirable the maintenance of an independent Polish States and how such a state should be bounded can only be definitely determined in the course of further political developments. In any event both Governments will resolve this question by means of a friendly agreement."

So, as long as an 'independent Polish State' continued to exist, it would be east of the Narev-Vistula-San line and Germany could not send troops over this frontier. This would establish a 'residual' Poland mentioned earlier in Halder's diaries. In this case, if the Polish army were beaten, it could travel beyond the Narev-Vistula-San river line and sue for peace with Germany. That way, Poland would be way more likely to sign a treaty with the Soviet Union (a treaty they were rejecting just weeks before the war)

Lie 3: The Soviet Union invaded Poland with Nazi Germany!

This statement is gay and retarded.

In reality, there was NO "Poland", or any Polish governmental entity, that existed by the time the USSR entered into former Poland. Thus, they couldn't invade Poland, much less invade it "with Germany".

This was the position of the Soviet Government. On the 17th, Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Vladimir Potemkin handed a note to Polish Ambassador Grzybowski (polish jibber translator: Jibovskiy), stating that the Polish government had collapsed, and treaties thereby ceased to operate.

This is a correct statement. Throughout mid-September, many Polish government officials fled into neighboring Romania, thereby abandoning their government responsibilities. Romania was neutral in the war, and by crossing over to it, these remnants became 'interned'. Recognizing the Polish government in Romania would therefore be a violation of Romanian neutrality and a hostile act toward Hitler. Romania did not want this. The reality of Polish internment became excessively clear throughout the rest of September, and it showed that both the Polish President and Romania both tacitly admitted that Poland was bereft of a state!

This was because Romania realized that the Polish President, Moscicki (polish jibber translator: Moskitskiy) was lying when he claimed he 'legally' resigned on the 30th. So, Romania had to fabricate a story that he resigned on the 15th, just before entering Romania, but Moscicki never made this claim!

This whole fiasco happened because resignation is an official act. Only a government official can resign. Moscicki was interned, and therefore, not a government official.

Lie 4: There were joint-victory parades at Brest! This means that it was actually a joint-invasion!

No. There was no joint-victory parade anywhere on September 22nd.

The question obviously arises is why did the supposed joint-parade not take place in Warsaw, but some random provincial town? For example, an actual joint parade was hosted in Athens in Greece. Another question also arises as to how the actions of the Soviet troops conformed to the formation regulations of the infantry of the Red Army in order to be considered a parade (The answer: it wasn't)

No such parade existed; however, it was a 'ceremony of handing over the city' in which the Germans left & the Soviet troops entered Brest. This ceremony was attended by commanders of both armies, Krivoshein and Guderian. All of this was documented in the protocol.

Conclusion

Anyone who uses the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact as 'evidence' of a German-Soviet alliance are either:

• Probably mentally disabled
• A homosexual
• Illiterate

Or perhaps, a combination of all three.