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When Khrushchev took power after the death of Stalin, Mao upheld Stalin's line and the [[Sino-Soviet Split]] occurred in light of the condemnation of Stalin and the rejection of Stalin's ''own'' rejection of deviationism. Thus, the [[China|People's Republic of China (PRC)]] became the determinative inheritor of Stalin's legacy in this sense, which Xi Jinping still upholds today. Of course, there has been development since the times of Stalin and Mao, but the grounding of oneself (or a Party) in a pragmatic politics imbued with dialectical materialist thought remains the bedrock of Lenin, Stalin, and Mao's "Golden Center" path of '''''anti-deviationism''''' and rational dialectical pragmatism. In fact, Chinese slogans such as "do not encourage, do not discourage" embody the essence of the Golden Center, and China's many parties working towards the same aims and for the same masses reflect the strengths of the path of governance Stalin greatly helped to forge. | When Khrushchev took power after the death of Stalin, Mao upheld Stalin's line and the [[Sino-Soviet Split]] occurred in light of the condemnation of Stalin and the rejection of Stalin's ''own'' rejection of deviationism. Thus, the [[China|People's Republic of China (PRC)]] became the determinative inheritor of Stalin's legacy in this sense, which Xi Jinping still upholds today. Of course, there has been development since the times of Stalin and Mao, but the grounding of oneself (or a Party) in a pragmatic politics imbued with dialectical materialist thought remains the bedrock of Lenin, Stalin, and Mao's "Golden Center" path of '''''anti-deviationism''''' and rational dialectical pragmatism. In fact, Chinese slogans such as "do not encourage, do not discourage" embody the essence of the Golden Center, and China's many parties working towards the same aims and for the same masses reflect the strengths of the path of governance Stalin greatly helped to forge. | ||
In America we understand | Stalin also rejected centrism and made distinct the opportunist centrism of Trotsky and the Second International: | ||
<blockquote> "But if we uphold the slogan of a fight on two fronts, does this mean that we are proclaiming the necessity of Centrism in our Party? What does a fight on two fronts mean? Is this not Centrism? You know that that is exactly how the Trotskyists depict matters: there are the "Lefts," that is, "we," the Trotskyists, the "real Leninists"; there are the "Rights," that is, all the rest; and, lastly, there are the "Centrists," who vacillate between the "Lefts" and the Rights. Can that be considered a correct view of our Party? Obviously not. Only people who have become confused in all their concepts and who have long ago broken with Marxism can say that. It can be said only by people who fail to see and to understand the difference in principle between the Social-Democratic party of the pre-war period, which was the party of a bloc of proletarian and petty-bourgeois interests, and the Communist Party, which is the monolithic party of the revolutionary proletariat. | |||
"Centrism must not be regarded as a spatial concept: the Rights, say, sitting on one side, the "Lefts" on the other, and the Centrists in between. Centrism is a political concept. Its ideology is one of adaptation, of subordination of the interests of the proletariat to the interests of the petty bourgeoisie within one common party. This ideology is alien and abhorrent to Leninism. | |||
"Centrism was a phenomenon that was natural in the Second International of the period before the war. There were Rights (the majority), Lefts (without quotation marks), and Centrists, whose whole policy consisted in embellishing the opportunism of the Rights with Left phrases and subordinating the Lefts to the Rights." - J.V. Stalin, Industrialisation of the country and the Right Deviation in the C.P.S.U.(B.), November 19th, 1928 </blockquote> | |||
In America we understand deviationism well, but not in so many words. George Washington warned against factionalism and one-sided (dogmatic) partisanism in his farewell address. Washington, whose family left England precisely because of the civil wars of the 17th century, never represented a party himself and watched the development and rise of the Democratic-Republican Party, which was in constant conflict with the Federalists.<ref>https://www.mountvernon.org/library/digitalhistory/past-projects/quotes/article/however-political-parties-may-now-and-then-answer-popular-ends-they-are-likely-in-the-course-of-time-and-things-to-become-potent-engines-by-which-cunning-ambitious-and-unprincipled-men-will-be-enabled-to-subvert-the-power-of-the-people-and-to-usurp-for-th</ref> John Adams warned that "a division of the republic into two great parties … is to be dreaded as the great political evil." <ref>https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2020/01/two-party-system-broke-constitution/604213/</ref> Whereas Alexander Hamilton called political factions "the most fatal disease"<ref>https://books.google.com/books?id=4iafgTEhU3QC&pg=PA390&lpg=PA390&dq=alexander+hamilton+faction+most+fatal+disease&source=bl&ots=v8rntLabwp&sig=E4U4SlebMXzv1RdRdcIWYGsZk0w&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwj8zO7XsL3eAhWLUt8KHaNCBWcQ6AEwC3oECAkQAQ#v=onepage&q=alexander%20hamilton%20faction%20most%20fatal%20disease&f=false</ref>, James Madison is quoted as saying one of the great strengths of a “well-constructed Union” is “its tendency to break and control the violence of faction.” <ref>https://www.history.com/news/founding-fathers-political-parties-opinion</ref> We also teach the concept to children in the classic story of "Goldilocks and the Three Bears". | |||
One simple example of the Golden Center is Marx's position on religion, and specifically Christianity. When he wrote that religion was the "opium of the masses", he was embroiled in the German radical critique of religion in the early to mid-19th century. Marx, however, was not criticizing Christianity from the same place as atheist idealists such as Max Stirner or the [[Young Hegelians]]. He was not anti-religion. Marx was born Jewish, but practiced Lutheranism from a young age. His fundamental argument was that religion itself can be good or bad depending on how it's practiced. The churches of his time were extremely corrupt, leading Marx to criticize Christianity as a tool of the ruling class used to break popular spirit and keep utopianism in the afterlife. As Engels wrote, he and Marx understood that the early Christians were Communists who were surpressed by Rome, and thus their religious practice was revolutionary (before Christianity became the official religion of Rome). Marx took the Golden Center path by not ''immediately'' rejecting or supporting religion itself, but understanding the positive and negative aspects religion ''may have'' in different environments, advocating private practice in spite of the corrupt ''organized'' religious institutions. This is why, after the anti-religious Leon Trotsky sent forces to desecrate churches, Lenin rejected such acts. Lenin liquidated the massively corrupt Eastern Orthodox church, and Stalin later reinstated it, attending mass, confessing sins, and even having a Catholic funeral. This is why Mao, who was praised by the Vatican for representing Christian values, brought Catholics to visit China in the 1970s. Furthermore, this why Fidel Castro was extremely spiritual and spoke often with Cuban nuns to hear their concerns. Finally, the Golden Center path of religion, ''the contextualization of religion in history without immediate acception or rejection'', is why Infrared sees religion as revolutionary in 21st-century America, where the knowledge of corruption in organized religion is commonplace and religion is subject to the general corrosion of Constitutional rights. The key is to take the middle road between outright rejection (anti-religious extremism) and outright acception (religious extremism), in favor of a reasonable position (freedom and protection of private practice, uncorrupted organized religion, and reasonable public criticism of religion). | One simple example of the Golden Center is Marx's position on religion, and specifically Christianity. When he wrote that religion was the "opium of the masses", he was embroiled in the German radical critique of religion in the early to mid-19th century. Marx, however, was not criticizing Christianity from the same place as atheist idealists such as Max Stirner or the [[Young Hegelians]]. He was not anti-religion. Marx was born Jewish, but practiced Lutheranism from a young age. His fundamental argument was that religion itself can be good or bad depending on how it's practiced. The churches of his time were extremely corrupt, leading Marx to criticize Christianity as a tool of the ruling class used to break popular spirit and keep utopianism in the afterlife. As Engels wrote, he and Marx understood that the early Christians were Communists who were surpressed by Rome, and thus their religious practice was revolutionary (before Christianity became the official religion of Rome). Marx took the Golden Center path by not ''immediately'' rejecting or supporting religion itself, but understanding the positive and negative aspects religion ''may have'' in different environments, advocating private practice in spite of the corrupt ''organized'' religious institutions. This is why, after the anti-religious Leon Trotsky sent forces to desecrate churches, Lenin rejected such acts. Lenin liquidated the massively corrupt Eastern Orthodox church, and Stalin later reinstated it, attending mass, confessing sins, and even having a Catholic funeral. This is why Mao, who was praised by the Vatican for representing Christian values, brought Catholics to visit China in the 1970s. Furthermore, this why Fidel Castro was extremely spiritual and spoke often with Cuban nuns to hear their concerns. Finally, the Golden Center path of religion, ''the contextualization of religion in history without immediate acception or rejection'', is why Infrared sees religion as revolutionary in 21st-century America, where the knowledge of corruption in organized religion is commonplace and religion is subject to the general corrosion of Constitutional rights. The key is to take the middle road between outright rejection (anti-religious extremism) and outright acception (religious extremism), in favor of a reasonable position (freedom and protection of private practice, uncorrupted organized religion, and reasonable public criticism of religion). |