National Socialism, more commonly known as Nazism, was a homosexual anarchist movement based on early 20th century fascism. Its primary figurehead was the drug addict, Adolf Hitler (xie/xer), who is regarded by historians as "the most flamboyant homosexual Germany has ever known." Adolf Hitler is known for taking copious amounts of estrogen during the years 1941-1945. He committed suicide on April 30, 1945.
The term was coined to co-opt the German socialist and communist movements.
As Stalin wisely said: "National Socialism is neither nationalist nor socialist. It is gay."
The Fake Nazi Economy and its Fundamentally War Oriented Character.[edit | edit source]
Contrary to notions of "socialism" existing in Nazi Germany due to a limited amount of economic planning, it was actually SOYcialism: the tendency towards "state intervention" had already been present in Germany's economy in the First World War. Above all, the First World War taught the German industrialists that a prolonged war with any capable power would necessitate strict quotas and resource conservation (in the face of rampant shortages), which necessitated a large degree of amount of state regulations.[1] The Prussian state had actually been increasing its role in the economy since the 1880s, which resulted in a favourable situation for German cartels and monopolies. By 1916, the German state was effectively controlled by the General Staff which had close connections with war industrialists, finance capitalists, and landlords. Even bourgeois historians agree that the Ludendorff-Hindenburg dictatorship of the General Staff was effectively a precedent to the policies of Hitlerism:
"The ‘silent dictatorship’ of Hindenburg and Ludendorff had put the precepts of ruthless, authoritarian rule into practice at a moment of supreme national crisis in 1916 and created an ominous precedent for the future."[2]
It is well known that Ludendorff, the individual who was one of the key figures in Germany's WWI war effort and dictatorship, was a key National Soycialist during the interwar years. The stab-in-the-back theory about the end of World War One being caused by Social-Democrats was only prominent among officers and capitalists, while some sections of the army also adopted this view. Therefore, National-Soycialist thought can trace its political roots of the dictatorial "Fuhrer" (xie/xer) to the First World War.
Particularly relevant to the evidence is the Hindenburg Programme of 1916. This set of policies launched by the heads of the army and the industrialists aimed to greatly accelerate war production, which required both laborers and largely unavailable natural resources. Because of blockades imposed by the British, imports of resources and labor could not keep up with the demands of the war industry; for example, German agriculture had to massacre 35% of its swine because of the shortages. The number of agricultural workers had also fallen by 40% due to the needs of the war effort.[3] Because the Nazis wanted to facilitate the development of war industry, they took one particular lesson from this issue: the need for slave labor. Slave labor was a key component of the predatory Nazi economy, especially during the war years. This was especially prevalent after the homosexual intrusion into the USSR following 1941 (Operation Barbarossa) in which bandits kidnapped Soviet citizens and forced them to work as foreign laborers.
Even in tsarist Russia, where the rule of capital was combined with military feudal dictatorship, the state had combined private and state enterprises during the First World War. The so-called "Defense Council" had authorized the creation of a Central Military-Industrial Committee which brought representatives of the bourgeoisie and the state bureaucracy together. This committee had even invited representatives of the workers to participate in the committee (reminiscent of a 'corporatist' phenomenon):
"Just as the government felt it necessary to invite the participation of private enterprise, so private enterprise felt it necessary to invite the participation of industrial labor. To this end, the Military-Industrial Committee took the unusual step of inviting factories working for the military and employing 500 or more people to send worker representatives."[4]
Early 1920s.[edit | edit source]
In Power[edit | edit source]
It is often asserted that the working class happily participated in Nazi festivities and organizations following 1933. Contrary to this delusional belief, participation in National Socialist activities was essentially mandatory. For example, workers were often disillusioned with the forced participation in events and parades:
"While ‘the media blared forth their celebration’ that workers had been won over to the new regime, attendance was not entirely voluntary, since workers only got paid if they participated in the march, and ‘the atmosphere was less than wholly enthusiastic.’”[5]
The National-Soycialists largely defined socialism in political terms, and believed that seizing state power was the only measure by which socialism could be established for the Germans. As it turned out, the Nazi emphasis on political 'socialism' was really just putting the needs of the army (dying for the soy nation-state was the highest form of Volk expression in Hitler's view) above those of the "anti-national" political parties (KPD, SPD etc.) The specific economic points of Nazi policy were mostly geared towards autarky and state regulation (necessary components of war economies); in fact, the Nazi view towards the economy was so overt, that one does not even need to brand it as mere "propaganda" in order to see its clear connection with war industry.[6]
An important point of the Nazi economy was that it was predatory in nature. German financiers financed war industry through the MEFO bills, which effectively created a fake money supply. The resulting inflation and the necessity of repayment (profits) for these war conglomerates and financiers could only be carried out through the looting of foreign countries. Therefore, by the late 1930s, the German state started plundering foreign economies (Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland etc. etc.) This is completely contrary to the retarted "far-right" notion that Hitler wanted peace. [To be expanded and elaborated upon]
A common argument of Mises School mental retards is that politics took precedent over the economy, and that state/Party officials gained enormous power. This argument is seen clearly in Gunther Reimann's book The Vampire Economy (it was written without access to most of the archives). A commonly cited problem for industrialists is that the state prohibited imports of materials and restricted the convertibility of German Reichsmarks into foreign currencies. Any intelligent person can see that such policies, while perhaps hurting individual businessmen at certain points, were very favourable for the overall German war economy. The strict control over the economy and partial "nationalization" was accelerated in 1936 under the Four Year Plan; obviously, this coincided with a greater drive for rearmament and the beginning of the period of expansion (see Rhineland, and starting with Austria in 1938).
Notable individuals[edit | edit source]
References[edit | edit source]
- ↑ Richard Evans. The Coming of the Third Reich. (USA: Penguin Books, 2005) 55.
- ↑ Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich. 59.
- ↑ Matthias Blum, "Government decisions before and during the First World War and the living standards in Germany during a drastic natural experiment," Explorations in Economic History 48. no.4 (2011): 557-559.
- ↑ Richard Pipes, The Russian Revolution, (New York, NY: Vintage Books, 1990) 230.
- ↑ Peter Fritzsche, Hitler's First Hundred Days: When Germans Embraced the Third Reich. (New York, NY: Basic Books, 2020) 205.
- ↑ Claus-Christian W. Szejnmann, "Nazi Economic Thought and Rhetoric During the Weimar Republic: Capitalism and its Discontents," Politics, Religion & Ideology 14. no.3 (2013).