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[[File:Girolamo-Savonarola.jpg|alt=Girolamo Savonarola Profile|thumb|Painting of Girolamo Savonarola]]
[[File:Girolamo-Savonarola.jpg|alt=Girolamo Savonarola Profile|thumb|Painting of Girolamo Savonarola]]
'''Girolamo Savonarola''' (US: /ˌsævən-, səˌvɒn-/, Italian: [dʒiˈrɔːlamo savonaˈrɔːla]; 21 September 1452 – 23 May 1498) or Jerome Savonarola was a Dominican friar, priest, Florentine revolutionary, communist, and political theorist. He was known for his calls for a return of Florentine glory, the destruction of secular culture and art, and his calls for Christian renewal. He denounced the libertine establishment, attacking everyone from; bishops, the Borja antipope, the ruling secular-libertine Medici administration, to even fellow monks who he saw as too close to the libertine elites.
'''Girolamo Savonarola''' (US: /ˌsævən-, səˌvɒn-/, Italian: [dʒiˈrɔːlamo savonaˈrɔːla]; 21 September 1452 – 23 May 1498) or Jerome Savonarola was a Dominican friar, priest, Florentine revolutionary, communist, and political theorist. He was known for his calls for a return of Florentine glory, the destruction of secular culture and art, and his calls for Christian renewal. He denounced the libertine establishment, attacking everyone from; bishops, the Borja pope (Rodrigo de Borja), the ruling secular-libertine Medici administration, to even fellow monks who he saw as too close to the libertine elites.


Born in 1452 in the city of Ferrara, Girolamo Savonarola was the third of seven children. In 1475, Savonarola rejected his family’s plans for him to become a doctor and instead became a Dominican friar at the convent of San Domenico in Bologna. After Savonarola came back to Florence in 1490, he began preaching against all forms of corruption, leading to increasing support among the lower masses. Over time, Savonarola’s popularity grew further. Fra Girolamo Savonarola clashed with tyrannical rulers, corrupt clergy, and called for a people’s revolution against the corrupt oligarchic structure which governed Florence until Savonarola overthrew it. Savonarola led the Frateschi political faction, which was a mass movement against the Medici government. Savonarola saw an opportunity arise after King Charles VIII of France crossed the Alps with his army in September 1494, leading to chaos in Italy, especially politically. Savonarola led a delegation to the camp of the French king in mid-November 1494. He pressed Charles, who had already sacked Fivizzano, to spare Florence. After a relatively brief, tense occupation of the city and another intervention by Fra Girolamo, the French army resumed their journey southward on November 28, 1494. When Piero di Lorenzo de' Medici arrived back in the city in late November, he was branded a traitor, and he and his family were forced to flee due to the Florentine masses now under the influence of Savonarola’s message rejecting the Medici regime. After he overthrew the Medici administration, Savonarola became the sole leader of Florence (Il capo di Stato), setting up a popular democratic republic. This Florentine Republic enshrined the right to vote for all citizens in good standing. The legislature of this new Frateschi (Savonarolan) government was the Great Council, which represented and was voted in by the common people. In this Savonarolan Florentine Republic, subversive speech advocating for the return of the oligarchical and elitist Medici regime was forbidden and those who attempted to orchestrate a Medici return were executed for their criminal act. During Fra Girolamo Savonarola’s revolutionary campaign to rid Florence of all decadence and corruption remaining from the Medici governance, he made use of a mass youth-led social movement which he mobilized and guided himself while also delegating to his lieutenant Fra Silvestro Maruffi, who organized young men to patrol the streets. The Frateschi government passed provisions to guarantee the right to a job and for the needs of all the poor to be provided for by the government. Florence, under the Frateschi governance, punished anyone who “elevated” private interests above the common good of Florence. The penalty was to deprive them of all their goods. It was also mandated that all “things contrary to godly religion be removed from the city.” On April 4, 1498, one of the Frateschi’s main political leaders, Francesco Valori, was murdered, and the government began to unravel. Later, Fra Girolamo, Fra Silvestro Maruffi, and Fra Domenico were arrested and promptly imprisoned. While in his prison cell, Savonarola composed meditations on Psalms 51 and 31. On the morning of May 23, 1498, the three friars were led out into the main square, where, before a tribunal, they were sentenced to die immediately. Each of them was put on separate gallows, and they were hanged while fires were ignited below them to burn their bodies.
Born in 1452 in the city of Ferrara, Girolamo Savonarola was the third of seven children. In 1475, Savonarola rejected his family’s plans for him to become a doctor and instead became a Dominican friar at the convent of San Domenico in Bologna.  
 
Florence at this time, as shown in Dr. Ludwig Pastor’s History of the Church Vol. VI, had been corrupted by the Medici. Made into a nest of "heathen philosophers, voluptuaries, dilettanti, money-lenders and traders, intriguing politicians and sharp-witted critics” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p.3).
 
After Savonarola came back to Florence in 1490, he began preaching against all forms of corruption, leading to increasing support among the lower masses. Over time, Savonarola’s popularity grew further. Fra Girolamo Savonarola clashed with tyrannical rulers, corrupt clergy, and called for a people’s revolution against the corrupt oligarchic structure which governed Florence until Savonarola overthrew it. Savonarola led the Frateschi political faction, which was a mass movement against the Medici government. Savonarola saw an opportunity arise after King Charles VIII of France crossed the Alps with his army in September 1494, leading to chaos in Italy, especially politically. Savonarola led a delegation to the camp of the French king in mid-November 1494. He pressed Charles, who had already sacked Fivizzano, to spare Florence. After a relatively brief, tense occupation of the city and another intervention by Fra Girolamo, the French army resumed their journey southward on November 28, 1494. When Piero di Lorenzo de' Medici arrived back in the city in late November, he was branded a traitor, and he and his family were forced to flee due to the Florentine masses now under the influence of Savonarola’s message rejecting the Medici regime.  
 
After he overthrew the Medici administration, Savonarola became the sole leader of Florence (Il capo di Stato), setting up a popular democratic republic. Savonarola’s influence had grown to such an extent that his authority was nearly that of a would-be “King of Florence” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 4). His enemies were numerous however, foremost among them was the ousted Piedro de’ Medici who despised the Democratic and theocratic ideals and moral discipline the friar wished to bring into the constitution of the state. This Florentine Republic enshrined the right to vote for all citizens in good standing. The legislature of this new Frateschi (Savonarolan) government was the Great Council, which represented and was voted in by the common people. In this Savonarolan Florentine Republic, subversive speech advocating for the return of the oligarchical Medici regime was forbidden and those who attempted to orchestrate a Medici return were executed for their criminal act.  
 
During Fra Girolamo Savonarola’s revolutionary campaign to rid Florence of all decadence and corruption remaining from the Medici governance, he made use of a mass youth-led social movement which he mobilized and guided himself while also delegating to his lieutenant Fra Silvestro Maruffi, who organized young men to patrol the streets. The Frateschi government passed provisions to guarantee the right to a job and for the needs of all the poor to be provided for by the government. Florence, under the Frateschi governance, punished anyone who “elevated” private interests above the common good of Florence. The penalty was to deprive them of all their goods. It was also mandated that all “things contrary to godly religion be removed from the city.”  
 
Savonarola’s vision was wide in scale, seeing Florence as “the heart of Italy,” he, after bringing about his moral revolution in Florence, sought to bring about a complete reformation of Rome, the Pope, and the Court (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 3). His vision focused on rooting out the extensive corruption and moral decay festering in the Church. At the time of his dominance in Florence, it did not seem unlikely that the reform of Rome might be carried out by the same hand which has succeeded in Florence. When summoned by the pope, Rodrigo de Borja, Savonarola while expressing his desire to go to Rome had saw in Florence "root of all these plots,
and know them to be the work of evil-minded citizens who would fain re-establish tyranny in Florence. . . “ (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 6). The pope then proceeded to, in line with the wishes of the corrupt establishment in Rome, prohibit Savonarola from preaching. This was a major attack against Savonarola. For him, preaching and politics were synonymous. Savonarola who saw the pope as being guided by corrupt figures and deceit, still re-ascended the pulpit and seeing clearly the danger of a reaction, a Medici restoration, he again called for the execution of anyone who attempted to restore the Medici to power. " They must be treated," he cried, " as the Romans treated those who wished to bring Tarquinius back. You would rather let Christ be struck than strike a fellow-citizen. Let justice take its course. Off with the head of the traitor, were he even the chief of the first family in the city. Off, I say, with his head” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 9). He exclaimed a similar message in two sermons following this one. For an unexplained reason the papal bull prohibiting his preaching did not arrive until later. Whilst Savonarola’s efforts did succeed in preventing Medici’s effort at a restoration, the brief itself issued by the pope led to great embarrassment for Savonarola.
 
Savonarola constantly sought to have the papal bull revoked, Florence's government was particularly interested in this approach, and it addressed Cardinal Caraffa, the Dominican Protector in Rome. Florentine reports from Rome claimed that the Cardinal persuaded the pope to allow Savonarola to lecture again, as long as he limited his talks to religious topics. The Friar, however, did not claimed that such authorization had been granted. However the government, dominated by the Frateschi, commanded Savonarola to once again resume his sermons. Savonarola wasted no time in obeying this command (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 10-11). Savonarola then gave a sermon on how the pope cannot command him to do anything in “contradiction to Christian charity or the Gospel” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 11). In his sermon following this one, he lambasted the vices of Rome and the corruption that existed there. In his last Lenten sermon in 1496, he stated that “we are not compelled” to “obey all commands. When given in consequence of lying report they are invalid; when in evident contradiction with the law of charity, laid down by the Gospel, it is our duty to resist them” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 13).
 
Some grew to view Savonarola as someone exercising “terrorism” with his “intolerable” adherents. However, even with that, Savonarola’s campaign against corruption and moral vices led to him becoming quite well known. His reputation as an ardent fighter for reform and his leadership of the moral revolution in Florence led to the Ottoman Sultan reportedly having his sermons translated into the Turkish language to be read (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 14).
 
Rome came in again to weaken Savonarola’s hold on power. In November of 1496, the pope dispatched a new brief removing the Friar of San Marco, Savonarola, as prior by unifying the congregation with a new one. Savonarola protested this move and stated: “The union with the new congregation does not depend on my decision alone, but needs the consent of 250 other monks, who have all written to the Pope protesting against it ; and I am neither able nor willing to oppose their wishes on this point, since I hold them to be honest and just” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 15). After he explained his reason for opposing the unification he stated that it is “therefore impossible unreasonable, and hurtful; nor can the brethren of S. Marco be bound to agree to it, inasmuch as Superiors may not issue commands contrary to the rules of the Order, nor contrary to the law of charity and the welfare of our souls. We must therefore take it for granted that our Superiors have been misled by false information, and resist meanwhile a command that is contrary to charity. Neither must we allow ourselves to be cowed by threats nor excommunications, but be ready to face death rather than submit to that which would be poison and perdition to our souls” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 15-16). Upholding his Roman Catholic faith, Savonarola stood as a true revolutionary ready to face death for his struggle. The pope then seeking to undermine Savonarola, in vain attempted to get the Florentine government to rupture it’s strategic alliance with France. The pope promised to give the Florentines Pisa if they did this. In March of 1497, the pope in a discussion with the Florentine ambassador Alessandro Bracci, attempted to convince him, stating, “May God forgive him who invited the French into Italy; for all our troubles have arisen from that . . . Keep to us.” Appealing to his patriotism he added, “be loyal Italians, and leave the French in France! I must have no more fine words, but some binding security that you will do this” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 16). The Florentine ambassador did not budge and instead restated which determined his Government to hold with their strategic alliance. The pope knew that this position was directly linked to the strong hold Savonarola which had on the Frateschi-influenced government of Florence. Once again, Savonarola took the pulpit of the Cathedral and firmly reiterated his earlier claim that everyone who opposed him was fighting against God, that Italy, and particularly Rome, would suffer greatly, and that the Church would subsequently undergo reformation. A disturbance broke out in the church at this point, quickly escalating into the streets. It appeared like the opponents and supporters of Savonarola would engage in a regular pitched battle soon (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 18). The forces against Savonarola were beginning to gain more of an upper hand with the Frateschi losing their ascendancy. On the 12th of May, 1497, the pope is said to have signed a Brief of Excommunication against Savonarola. Florentine envoys in Rome were making a concerted effort to persuade the Pope to revoke the sentence, or at the very least, suspend it (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 21). Savonarola then responded, stating his belief that as a Catholic he sees the excommunication as invalid: “This excommunication is invalid before God and man, inasmuch as it is based on false reasons and accusations devised by our enemies. I have always submitted, and will still submit, to the authority of the Church, nor will ever fail in my obedience; but no one is bound to submit to commands opposed to charity and the law of God, since in such a case our superiors are no longer the representatives of the Lord. Meanwhile, seek by prayer to make ready for that which may befall you. If this matter is pursued further, we will make the truth known to all the world” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 21). The pope saw this as a declaration of war by Savonarola.
 
On June 26th, the pope informed the Florentine Envoys that he would take action against the rebellious Friar, using Church guidelines for dealing with rebels and anyone who challenged her authority. The Florentines hoped to avoid disaster through diplomacy. The Florentine Envoy successfully persuaded the Cardinals to support Savonarola, and some members of the commission recommended suspending the censure for two months, allowing the Friar to visit Rome in the interim. However, these opinions did not prevail. The Cardinals agreed with the Pope that complying with the Signoria's request would require Savonarola's assent to obey the General of his Order and the Holy See. Despite their best efforts, the Florentine Envoy was compelled to admit on February 12, 1498, that the situation presented extraordinary difficulties (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 23).
 
While at first avoiding the exercise of any sacerdotal functions after the excommunication, Savonarola eventually changed his mind on this point and celebrated multiple masses. Giving communion to a large number of the Florentine laity (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 23). Savonarola told the Ferrarese Envoy that the excommunication was unjust and had no power to bind him; he didn't intend to pay any attention to it; observe the kind of life Alexander VI was leading; nothing should stop him from preaching (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 24). The Vicar of the Archbishop of Florence tried to prevent this by issuing a mandate forbidding the laity from being present at his sermons and seeking the priests to explain to the laity that the excommunication is valid. However the Florentine government dismissed this proclamation and threatened the Vicar with severe penalties if he did not withdraw it. Under the protection of the Florentine government and in flagrant defiance of the directives of his spiritual superiors, Savonarola once more took the pulpit of S. Marco on Septuagesima Sunday, February 14, 1498. He defended his disobedience in strong words (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 25).
 
His sermon was as follows:
 
“The righteous prince or the good priest,” he declared, “is merely an instrument in the Lord’s hands for the government of the people, but when the higher agency is withdrawn from prince or priest, he is no longer an instrument, but a broken tool. And how, thou would’st say, am I to discern whether or no the higher agency be absent? See if his laws and commands be contrary to that which is the root and principle of all wisdom, namely of godly living and charity; and if contrary, thou may’st be truly assured that he is a broken tool, and that thou art nowise bound to obey him. Now tell me a little, what is the aim of those who, by their lying reports, have procured this sentence of excommunication? As all know, they sought to sweep away virtuous living and righteous government, and to open the door to every vice. Thus, no sooner was the excommunication pronounced, than they returned to drunkenness, profligacy, and every other crime. Thus, I will not acknowledge it, for I cannot act against charity. Any one who gives commands opposed to charity is excommunicated by God. Were such commands pronounced by an angel, even by the Virgin Mary herself and all the saints (which is certainly impossible), anathema sit. If pronounced by any law, or canon, or council, anathema sit. And if any Pope hath ever spoken to a contrary effect from this, let him be declared excommunicate. I say not that such a Pope hath ever existed; but if he hath existed he can have been no instrument of the Lord, but a broken tool. It is feared by some that, though this excommunication be powerless in Heaven, it may have power in the Church. For me it is enough not to be interdicted by Christ. Oh, my Lord, if I should seek to be absolved from this excommunication, let me be sent to hell; I should shrink from seeking absolution as from mortal sin” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 25-26).
 
He continued, adding:
 
“The Pope may err,” Savonarola asserted in his sermon on 18th February, “and that in two ways, either because he is erroneously informed, or from malice. As to the latter cause we leave that to the judgment of God, and believe rather that he has been misinformed. In our own case I can prove that he has been falsely persuaded. Therefore any one who obstinately upholds the excommunication and affirms that I ought not to preach these doctrines is fighting against the kingdom of Christ, and supporting the kingdom of Satan, and is himself a heretic, and deserves to be excluded from the Christian community” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 26).
 
In this sermon he upheld the religious view that the pope can err and as shown in the Bible can in fact err on disciplinary matters from a Catholic view (the pope is not seen as infallible except under the criteria of ex cathedra statements).
 
Savonarola's conviction that he had a mission from God, based on his visions, led to these and other similar statements that appear in all of his sermons. He also attacked the Italian, particularly the Roman clergy in strong terms.
 
“The scandals,” he says, “begin in Rome and run through the whole of the clergy; they are worse than Turks and Moors. In Rome you will find that they have, one and all, obtained their benefices by simony. They buy preferments and bestow them on their children or their brothers, who take possession of them by violence and all sorts of sinful means. Their greed is insatiable, they do all things for gold. They only ring their bells for coin and candles; only attend Vespers and Choir and Office when something is to be got by it. They sell their benefices, sell the Sacraments, traffic in masses; in short, money is at the root of everything, and then they are afraid of excommunication. When the evening comes one goes to the gaming table, another to his concubine. When they go to a funeral a banquet is given, and when they ought to be praying in silence for the soul of the departed they are eating and drinking and talking. They are steeped in shameful vices; but in the day-time they go about in fine linen, looking smart and clean. Many are absolutely ignorant of their rule and where to find it, know nothing of penance or the care of souls. There is no faith left, no charity, no virtue. Formerly it used to be said, if not pure, at least demure. Now no one need try to keep up appearances, for it is considered a disgrace to live well. If a priest or a canon leads an orderly life he is mocked and called a hypocrite. No one talks now of his nephew, but simply of his son or his daughter. The … go openly to S. Peter’s; every priest has his concubine. All veils are cast aside. The poison is so rank in Rome that it has infected France and Germany and all the world. It has come to such a pass that all are warned against Rome, and people say, ‘If you want to ruin your son make him a priest’” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 27).
 
The scene on the last day of the Carnival in Florence (which had been Christianized during Savonarola’s moral campaign with devotional songs replacing the bawdy Carnival songs) witnessed a far stronger condemnation by Savonarola:
 
“O ye priests,” Savonarola cried out from the pulpit on the 1st March, “you have surpassed the pagans in contradicting and persecuting the truth of God and His cause. O my children, it is evident now that they are worse than Turks. Now must we resist the wicked as the martyrs resisted the tyrants. Contend ye evil-doers against this cause like pagans; write to Rome that this Friar and his friends will fight against you as against Turks and unbelievers. It is true that a Brief has come from Rome in which I am called a son of perdition. Write that he whom you thus designate says that he has neither concubines nor children, but preaches the Gospel of Christ. His brethren, and all who follow his teaching, reject all such deplorable things, frequent the Sacraments, and live honestly. Nevertheless, like Christ Himself, we will somewhat give way to wrath, and thus I declare to you, that I will preach no more from this pulpit except at the request of those who desire to lead a good life. I will preach in S. Marco but to men only, not to women; under the present circumstances this is needful” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 28).
 
The Florentine envoy did not reply to the pope’s complaints in regard to Savonarola’s sermons and his complaints of the Florentines continuing to adhere to Savonarola and his authority. Then on the 25th of February, 1498, the pope told the Envoys, “even Turks would not endure such insubordination against lawful authority,” he then threatened to lay an Interdict on the entire city of Florence. Days later, the pope the signed a Brief to the Florentines which states the following: “On first receiving notice of the pernicious errors diffused by that child of iniquity, Girolamo Savonarola, we required him to abstain entirely from preaching, and to come to Rome to implore our pardon and make recantation; but he refused to obey us. We commanded him, under pain of excommunication, to join the Congregation of S. Marco to the new Tuscan-Roman Congregation, and again he refused to obey, thus incurring, ipso facto, the threatened excommunication. The which sentence of excommunication we caused to be pronounced and proclaimed in your principal churches, likewise declaring that all who heard, or addressed, or held intercourse with the said Girolamo would incur the same penalty. Nevertheless, we now hear that, to the grave hurt of religion and the souls of men, this Friar still continues to preach, despises the authority of the Holy See, and declares the excommunication to be null and void. Wherefore we command you, by your duty of holy obedience, to send the said Fra Girolamo to us, under safe custody; and if he return to repentance, he will be paternally received by us, inasmuch as we seek the conversion, not the death, of the sinner. Or at least put him apart, as a corrupt member, from the rest of the people, and keep him confined and guarded in such wise that he may have speech of none, nor be able to disseminate fresh scandals. But if ye refuse to obey these commands, we shall be forced to assert the dignity of the Holy See, by subjecting you to an Interdict and also to other and more effectual remedies” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 29-30). The brief contained a clear threat of Interdict against Florence marking a serious escalation in the pope’s war with Savonarola. The pope also made a demand for Savonarola to be handed over to papal custody. Similar terms were again expressed by the pope, on the 7th of March, the Florentine Envoy presented the reply of his Government to the Brief of 26th February (stating that if Savonarola continues to preach he will be faced with Interdict and all other “lawful punishments”). The reply pointed out that Savonarola had never entered the pulpit in the Cathedral since the arrival of the Brief, defended him warmly on all points, declaring that he had been calumniated, and it was stated that the Government of Florence was unable to comply with the pope’s request. The pope hit back, “this is a sorry letter,” he stated to the Florentine Envoy on the 7th March, “that your Government has written to me. I am not misinformed, for I have myself read the sermons of this Friar of yours, and conversed with people who have heard them. He despises the censures and has had the insolence to call the Pope a ‘broken tool,’ and to say that he would sooner go to hell than ask for absolution.” The Florentine government continued to permit Savonarola to preach and the pope demanded that he be silenced or the whole city will be put under Interdict. The Florentine government through their envoy explained there was nothing reprehensible in the teachings of Savonarola, however the pope stated that he did not condemn Savonarola for his doctrines rather he condemned him for his disobedience to the pontiff (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 31). The pope’s sentiment was backed up by a new Brief dated 9th March, strongly denouncing Savonarola and his disobedience to his demands once more. After the pope received further accounts of Savonarola’s sermons, there was now a new consultation with several cardinals with the result being that now the forbidding of Savonarola’s preaching was no longer enough, now Savonarola must be placed in Rome. The consequences laid out in the event that this does not happen was not only the placing of Florence under Interdict, but all Florentines residing in Rome would be arrested and put in prison with their property being confiscated (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 33). The pope reportedly offered Savonarola a chance to cease preaching and receive absolution. Then after that, to be allowed to preach once more (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 34). However, on the 13th of March, Savonarola wrote a letter to the pope stating that he had “made a compact with his enemies, and let loose savage wolves against an innocent man.” Savonarola followed this letter, he called for a new council to determine the fate of the pope who he deemed as “guilty of simony, a heretic and an unbeliever.” The Frateschi pressed the Florentine Envoy in France and Spain to support his plan; Savonarola then addressed a letter to the Kings of France, Spain, England, and Hungary, and the Holy Roman Emperor, strongly urging them to convoke a Council (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 35). 
 
“The hour of vengeance has arrived,” he wrote in this document, “God desires me to reveal His secret counsels and to announce to all the world the dangers to which the barque of Peter is exposed in consequence of your slackness. The Church is steeped in shame and crime from head to foot. You, instead of exerting yourselves to deliver her, bow down before the source of all this evil. Therefore, the Lord is angry and has left the Church for so long without a shepherd. I assure you, in verbo Domini, that this Alexander is no Pope at all and should not be accounted such; for besides having attained to the Chair of S. Peter by the shameful sin of simony, and still daily selling Church benefices to the highest bidder; besides his other vices which are known to all the world, I affirm also that he is not a Christian, and does not believe in the existence of God, which is the deepest depth of unbelief.” After this introduction, he required all Christian Princes to unite in convoking a Council as soon as possible in some suitable and neutral place. On his side he not only bound himself to substantiate all his charges with irrefragable proofs, but also assured them that God would confirm his words by miraculous tokens” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 35-36).
 
The push for a Council acquired a real force due to the pope’s (Rodrigo de Borja) growing unpopularity. The pope’s extreme nepotism, giving up on the projects of reform which had been announced, and other elements of his moral character which were publicly known aroused bitter feelings against him in not only Italy but also abroad. Savonarola was able to secure a pronouncement in favor of his plans for calling a Council from Charles VIII of France on 7th January 1497, from the Sorbonne. The pope got wind of many of these discussions and this marked a new stage in the conflict (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 36-37).
 
The Frateschi’s hold over Florence had greatly diminished. Revealed especially in 1497 when Piero de’ Medici attempted a coup to make himself master of the city, leading to the execution of five of his adherents. The Frateschi increasingly had to fight hard to maintain their position against the Medici Arrabiati, with the excommunication further weakening the Friar’s position. Disputes over his guilt or innocence grew more prominent. Savonarola’s revolutionary attitude was also strongly stigmatized by the Franciscans of Sta Croce. Then when the Florentine government finally prevented Savonarola from preaching, his enemies redoubled their attacks on him. The Dominicans remained one of Savonarola’s great political assets, in wearied in defending him; their argument resting in his divine mission (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 38). The state of tension between Florence and Rome due to the Florentine government’s championing of Savonarola, had a considerable effect on the number of those skeptical of Savonarola. For many making Florence an enemy of Rome, regardless of Savonarola’s guilt or innocence, was unthinkable (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 39-40).
 
On the final day of the 1498 Carnival, before a gathered crowd, Savonarola held the Blessed Sacrament and prayed fervently, “O God, if my words are not from Thee, I entreat Thee to strike me down this very moment” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 40). Then, on Quinquagesima Sunday of that same year, he again implored, “I entreat each one of you to pray earnestly to God that if my doctrine does not come from Him, He will send down a fire upon me, which shall consume my soul in hell.”
 
Throughout his sermons, Savonarola frequently recounted stories of times when truth was only acknowledged after God’s direct intervention, even going so far as to offer to walk through fire as proof of his divine mission. Given these bold claims, it was hardly surprising that, on March 25, 1498, a Franciscan friar named Francesco of Apulia responded publicly to the challenge. Preaching in S. Croce, Francesco declared his willingness to face the ordeal by fire alongside Savonarola, stating, “I fully believe that I shall be burnt, but I am ready to sacrifice myself to free the people from this delusion. If Savonarola is not burnt with me then you may believe him to be a prophet” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 41).
 
Savonarola’s adversaries quickly realized that this issue could likely lead to his downfall. “If he enters the fire,” they reasoned, “he will be burnt; and if he does not, he will forfeit the faith of his adherents, and it will be easy to stir up a riot, during which he may be arrested.” Determined to push for the ordeal, they aimed to secure the Government’s approval. This effort faced opposition from some who saw the proposal as scandalous, and Savonarola’s reluctance to accept the challenge personally also complicated matters. Despite this, the majority agreed that any method, including the ordeal if necessary, should be employed to resolve the city’s divisions. Supporters of Savonarola were particularly enthusiastic about the ordeal, remembering his repeated assurances that one day his words would be divinely validated and his foes would be defeated—and now, it seemed, that day might have arrived (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 42).
 
The statements that Domenico da Pescia aimed to prove through the ordeal by fire were precisely those most challenged by Savonarola’s critics. These propositions included: “The Church of God is in need of reform; she will be chastised first and then renovated. Florence also will be chastised and afterwards restored and flourish anew. All unbelievers will be converted to Christ. These things will come to pass in our own time. The Excommunication pronounced against our revered father, Fra Girolamo Savonarola, is invalid and may be disregarded without sin.”
 
Despite the Government’s stance on the ordeal, which should have prompted caution, Savonarola and his followers, deeply influenced by the visions of Fra Silvestro Maruffi, ignored any practical concerns. On March 30th, the Signoria decreed that if the chosen champion for either side failed in the ordeal, that faction would be required to leave the city; if either combatant refused to enter the fire, they would face the same consequence; and if both were burned, the Dominicans would be declared the defeated party. By April 6th, a new decree had removed any penalties for the Franciscans, instead stipulating that if Fra Domenico died in the ordeal, Savonarola would have to leave Florence within three hours (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 43).
 
On April 4, 1498, one of the Frateschi’s main political leaders, Francesco Valori, was murdered, and any remaining Frateschi influence in the government began to unravel. Then the long-awaited day of April 7th, set for the ordeal, finally arrived. Any doubts Savonarola had were dispelled by a vision of angels reported by Fra Silvestro. That morning, after saying Mass, he addressed those in attendance, saying, “I cannot promise you that the ordeal will take place, for that does not depend upon us; but, if it does, I have no hesitation in assuring you that our side will triumph.” With this, he and his followers proceeded to the Piazza, singing the Psalm, “Let God arise and let His enemies be scattered,” as they marched in a solemn procession. The Franciscans, who had arrived earlier and without fanfare, were already waiting. A massive crowd had gathered, eager to witness the spectacle, and the government had taken steps to ensure order (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 43-44).
 
When the Dominicans arrived a dispute broke out over the specifics and whether it was acceptable to bring a crucifix in with them into the flames. With Fra Domenico refusing to abandon it, creating upheaval amongst some of the crowd and the Franciscans present. It ended before any trial by fire occurred. It is reported that a sudden rain drenched many leading to the canceling of the ordeal. Turning public opinion against Savonarola and the Frateschi.
 
Later, Fra Girolamo, Fra Silvestro Maruffi, and Fra Domenico were arrested and promptly imprisoned. While in his prison cell, Savonarola composed meditations on Psalms 51 and 31. On the morning of May 23, 1498, the three friars were led out into the main square, where, before a tribunal, they were sentenced to die immediately. Each of them was put on separate gallows, and they were hanged while fires were ignited below them to burn their bodies.


== Savonarola’s religious and political views ==
== Savonarola’s religious and political views ==
Line 54: Line 117:
Engels adduces the example of Roman Christians donating to one another so as to pay fees, taxes, and the like, while bearing witness to one another at a trial. Sometimes, bishops like St. Augustine would coordinate Christians to do this across cities. In his case, he did it to get the Roman governor of Africa (Carthage, basically) to enforce rights which had been granted to slaves post-Constantine and Nicea.
Engels adduces the example of Roman Christians donating to one another so as to pay fees, taxes, and the like, while bearing witness to one another at a trial. Sometimes, bishops like St. Augustine would coordinate Christians to do this across cities. In his case, he did it to get the Roman governor of Africa (Carthage, basically) to enforce rights which had been granted to slaves post-Constantine and Nicea.


From a Christian perspective, God’s will can and does manifest itself in such ways. The emergence of Catholicism in Rome as an expression of the class consciousness of the urban and rural poor—the proletarii, colonni, and plebes—was nothing other than the manifestation of God’s will from the Catholic perspective.
From a Christian perspective, God’s will can and does manifest itself in such ways. The emergence of Catholicism in Rome as an expression of the class consciousness of the urban and rural poor—the proletarii, colonni, and plebes—was nothing other than the manifestation of God’s will from the Catholic perspective. As Fr. Rocafull (Spanish Republican priest) stated in “Crusade or Class War? The Spanish Military Revolt,” as follows:
 
“If the working-class has reached its majority, why should it not be given the role which belongs to it in the social direction of society? Through the events of history is clearly visible the hand of God leading His people to their destiny, and if on every side we notice the signs of a growing ascension of the working-class, we may be allowed to think that God wishes to make use of this class for His purposes of redemption” (Rocafull, p.12).


== Reported miracles ==
== Reported miracles ==

Latest revision as of 09:58, 30 October 2024

Girolamo Savonarola Profile
Painting of Girolamo Savonarola

Girolamo Savonarola (US: /ˌsævən-, səˌvɒn-/, Italian: [dʒiˈrɔːlamo savonaˈrɔːla]; 21 September 1452 – 23 May 1498) or Jerome Savonarola was a Dominican friar, priest, Florentine revolutionary, communist, and political theorist. He was known for his calls for a return of Florentine glory, the destruction of secular culture and art, and his calls for Christian renewal. He denounced the libertine establishment, attacking everyone from; bishops, the Borja pope (Rodrigo de Borja), the ruling secular-libertine Medici administration, to even fellow monks who he saw as too close to the libertine elites.

Born in 1452 in the city of Ferrara, Girolamo Savonarola was the third of seven children. In 1475, Savonarola rejected his family’s plans for him to become a doctor and instead became a Dominican friar at the convent of San Domenico in Bologna.

Florence at this time, as shown in Dr. Ludwig Pastor’s History of the Church Vol. VI, had been corrupted by the Medici. Made into a nest of "heathen philosophers, voluptuaries, dilettanti, money-lenders and traders, intriguing politicians and sharp-witted critics” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p.3).

After Savonarola came back to Florence in 1490, he began preaching against all forms of corruption, leading to increasing support among the lower masses. Over time, Savonarola’s popularity grew further. Fra Girolamo Savonarola clashed with tyrannical rulers, corrupt clergy, and called for a people’s revolution against the corrupt oligarchic structure which governed Florence until Savonarola overthrew it. Savonarola led the Frateschi political faction, which was a mass movement against the Medici government. Savonarola saw an opportunity arise after King Charles VIII of France crossed the Alps with his army in September 1494, leading to chaos in Italy, especially politically. Savonarola led a delegation to the camp of the French king in mid-November 1494. He pressed Charles, who had already sacked Fivizzano, to spare Florence. After a relatively brief, tense occupation of the city and another intervention by Fra Girolamo, the French army resumed their journey southward on November 28, 1494. When Piero di Lorenzo de' Medici arrived back in the city in late November, he was branded a traitor, and he and his family were forced to flee due to the Florentine masses now under the influence of Savonarola’s message rejecting the Medici regime.

After he overthrew the Medici administration, Savonarola became the sole leader of Florence (Il capo di Stato), setting up a popular democratic republic. Savonarola’s influence had grown to such an extent that his authority was nearly that of a would-be “King of Florence” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 4). His enemies were numerous however, foremost among them was the ousted Piedro de’ Medici who despised the Democratic and theocratic ideals and moral discipline the friar wished to bring into the constitution of the state. This Florentine Republic enshrined the right to vote for all citizens in good standing. The legislature of this new Frateschi (Savonarolan) government was the Great Council, which represented and was voted in by the common people. In this Savonarolan Florentine Republic, subversive speech advocating for the return of the oligarchical Medici regime was forbidden and those who attempted to orchestrate a Medici return were executed for their criminal act.

During Fra Girolamo Savonarola’s revolutionary campaign to rid Florence of all decadence and corruption remaining from the Medici governance, he made use of a mass youth-led social movement which he mobilized and guided himself while also delegating to his lieutenant Fra Silvestro Maruffi, who organized young men to patrol the streets. The Frateschi government passed provisions to guarantee the right to a job and for the needs of all the poor to be provided for by the government. Florence, under the Frateschi governance, punished anyone who “elevated” private interests above the common good of Florence. The penalty was to deprive them of all their goods. It was also mandated that all “things contrary to godly religion be removed from the city.”

Savonarola’s vision was wide in scale, seeing Florence as “the heart of Italy,” he, after bringing about his moral revolution in Florence, sought to bring about a complete reformation of Rome, the Pope, and the Court (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 3). His vision focused on rooting out the extensive corruption and moral decay festering in the Church. At the time of his dominance in Florence, it did not seem unlikely that the reform of Rome might be carried out by the same hand which has succeeded in Florence. When summoned by the pope, Rodrigo de Borja, Savonarola while expressing his desire to go to Rome had saw in Florence "root of all these plots, and know them to be the work of evil-minded citizens who would fain re-establish tyranny in Florence. . . “ (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 6). The pope then proceeded to, in line with the wishes of the corrupt establishment in Rome, prohibit Savonarola from preaching. This was a major attack against Savonarola. For him, preaching and politics were synonymous. Savonarola who saw the pope as being guided by corrupt figures and deceit, still re-ascended the pulpit and seeing clearly the danger of a reaction, a Medici restoration, he again called for the execution of anyone who attempted to restore the Medici to power. " They must be treated," he cried, " as the Romans treated those who wished to bring Tarquinius back. You would rather let Christ be struck than strike a fellow-citizen. Let justice take its course. Off with the head of the traitor, were he even the chief of the first family in the city. Off, I say, with his head” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 9). He exclaimed a similar message in two sermons following this one. For an unexplained reason the papal bull prohibiting his preaching did not arrive until later. Whilst Savonarola’s efforts did succeed in preventing Medici’s effort at a restoration, the brief itself issued by the pope led to great embarrassment for Savonarola.

Savonarola constantly sought to have the papal bull revoked, Florence's government was particularly interested in this approach, and it addressed Cardinal Caraffa, the Dominican Protector in Rome. Florentine reports from Rome claimed that the Cardinal persuaded the pope to allow Savonarola to lecture again, as long as he limited his talks to religious topics. The Friar, however, did not claimed that such authorization had been granted. However the government, dominated by the Frateschi, commanded Savonarola to once again resume his sermons. Savonarola wasted no time in obeying this command (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 10-11). Savonarola then gave a sermon on how the pope cannot command him to do anything in “contradiction to Christian charity or the Gospel” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 11). In his sermon following this one, he lambasted the vices of Rome and the corruption that existed there. In his last Lenten sermon in 1496, he stated that “we are not compelled” to “obey all commands. When given in consequence of lying report they are invalid; when in evident contradiction with the law of charity, laid down by the Gospel, it is our duty to resist them” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 13).

Some grew to view Savonarola as someone exercising “terrorism” with his “intolerable” adherents. However, even with that, Savonarola’s campaign against corruption and moral vices led to him becoming quite well known. His reputation as an ardent fighter for reform and his leadership of the moral revolution in Florence led to the Ottoman Sultan reportedly having his sermons translated into the Turkish language to be read (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 14).

Rome came in again to weaken Savonarola’s hold on power. In November of 1496, the pope dispatched a new brief removing the Friar of San Marco, Savonarola, as prior by unifying the congregation with a new one. Savonarola protested this move and stated: “The union with the new congregation does not depend on my decision alone, but needs the consent of 250 other monks, who have all written to the Pope protesting against it ; and I am neither able nor willing to oppose their wishes on this point, since I hold them to be honest and just” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 15). After he explained his reason for opposing the unification he stated that it is “therefore impossible unreasonable, and hurtful; nor can the brethren of S. Marco be bound to agree to it, inasmuch as Superiors may not issue commands contrary to the rules of the Order, nor contrary to the law of charity and the welfare of our souls. We must therefore take it for granted that our Superiors have been misled by false information, and resist meanwhile a command that is contrary to charity. Neither must we allow ourselves to be cowed by threats nor excommunications, but be ready to face death rather than submit to that which would be poison and perdition to our souls” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 15-16). Upholding his Roman Catholic faith, Savonarola stood as a true revolutionary ready to face death for his struggle. The pope then seeking to undermine Savonarola, in vain attempted to get the Florentine government to rupture it’s strategic alliance with France. The pope promised to give the Florentines Pisa if they did this. In March of 1497, the pope in a discussion with the Florentine ambassador Alessandro Bracci, attempted to convince him, stating, “May God forgive him who invited the French into Italy; for all our troubles have arisen from that . . . Keep to us.” Appealing to his patriotism he added, “be loyal Italians, and leave the French in France! I must have no more fine words, but some binding security that you will do this” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 16). The Florentine ambassador did not budge and instead restated which determined his Government to hold with their strategic alliance. The pope knew that this position was directly linked to the strong hold Savonarola which had on the Frateschi-influenced government of Florence. Once again, Savonarola took the pulpit of the Cathedral and firmly reiterated his earlier claim that everyone who opposed him was fighting against God, that Italy, and particularly Rome, would suffer greatly, and that the Church would subsequently undergo reformation. A disturbance broke out in the church at this point, quickly escalating into the streets. It appeared like the opponents and supporters of Savonarola would engage in a regular pitched battle soon (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 18). The forces against Savonarola were beginning to gain more of an upper hand with the Frateschi losing their ascendancy. On the 12th of May, 1497, the pope is said to have signed a Brief of Excommunication against Savonarola. Florentine envoys in Rome were making a concerted effort to persuade the Pope to revoke the sentence, or at the very least, suspend it (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 21). Savonarola then responded, stating his belief that as a Catholic he sees the excommunication as invalid: “This excommunication is invalid before God and man, inasmuch as it is based on false reasons and accusations devised by our enemies. I have always submitted, and will still submit, to the authority of the Church, nor will ever fail in my obedience; but no one is bound to submit to commands opposed to charity and the law of God, since in such a case our superiors are no longer the representatives of the Lord. Meanwhile, seek by prayer to make ready for that which may befall you. If this matter is pursued further, we will make the truth known to all the world” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 21). The pope saw this as a declaration of war by Savonarola.

On June 26th, the pope informed the Florentine Envoys that he would take action against the rebellious Friar, using Church guidelines for dealing with rebels and anyone who challenged her authority. The Florentines hoped to avoid disaster through diplomacy. The Florentine Envoy successfully persuaded the Cardinals to support Savonarola, and some members of the commission recommended suspending the censure for two months, allowing the Friar to visit Rome in the interim. However, these opinions did not prevail. The Cardinals agreed with the Pope that complying with the Signoria's request would require Savonarola's assent to obey the General of his Order and the Holy See. Despite their best efforts, the Florentine Envoy was compelled to admit on February 12, 1498, that the situation presented extraordinary difficulties (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 23).

While at first avoiding the exercise of any sacerdotal functions after the excommunication, Savonarola eventually changed his mind on this point and celebrated multiple masses. Giving communion to a large number of the Florentine laity (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 23). Savonarola told the Ferrarese Envoy that the excommunication was unjust and had no power to bind him; he didn't intend to pay any attention to it; observe the kind of life Alexander VI was leading; nothing should stop him from preaching (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 24). The Vicar of the Archbishop of Florence tried to prevent this by issuing a mandate forbidding the laity from being present at his sermons and seeking the priests to explain to the laity that the excommunication is valid. However the Florentine government dismissed this proclamation and threatened the Vicar with severe penalties if he did not withdraw it. Under the protection of the Florentine government and in flagrant defiance of the directives of his spiritual superiors, Savonarola once more took the pulpit of S. Marco on Septuagesima Sunday, February 14, 1498. He defended his disobedience in strong words (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 25).

His sermon was as follows:

“The righteous prince or the good priest,” he declared, “is merely an instrument in the Lord’s hands for the government of the people, but when the higher agency is withdrawn from prince or priest, he is no longer an instrument, but a broken tool. And how, thou would’st say, am I to discern whether or no the higher agency be absent? See if his laws and commands be contrary to that which is the root and principle of all wisdom, namely of godly living and charity; and if contrary, thou may’st be truly assured that he is a broken tool, and that thou art nowise bound to obey him. Now tell me a little, what is the aim of those who, by their lying reports, have procured this sentence of excommunication? As all know, they sought to sweep away virtuous living and righteous government, and to open the door to every vice. Thus, no sooner was the excommunication pronounced, than they returned to drunkenness, profligacy, and every other crime. Thus, I will not acknowledge it, for I cannot act against charity. Any one who gives commands opposed to charity is excommunicated by God. Were such commands pronounced by an angel, even by the Virgin Mary herself and all the saints (which is certainly impossible), anathema sit. If pronounced by any law, or canon, or council, anathema sit. And if any Pope hath ever spoken to a contrary effect from this, let him be declared excommunicate. I say not that such a Pope hath ever existed; but if he hath existed he can have been no instrument of the Lord, but a broken tool. It is feared by some that, though this excommunication be powerless in Heaven, it may have power in the Church. For me it is enough not to be interdicted by Christ. Oh, my Lord, if I should seek to be absolved from this excommunication, let me be sent to hell; I should shrink from seeking absolution as from mortal sin” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 25-26).

He continued, adding:

“The Pope may err,” Savonarola asserted in his sermon on 18th February, “and that in two ways, either because he is erroneously informed, or from malice. As to the latter cause we leave that to the judgment of God, and believe rather that he has been misinformed. In our own case I can prove that he has been falsely persuaded. Therefore any one who obstinately upholds the excommunication and affirms that I ought not to preach these doctrines is fighting against the kingdom of Christ, and supporting the kingdom of Satan, and is himself a heretic, and deserves to be excluded from the Christian community” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 26).

In this sermon he upheld the religious view that the pope can err and as shown in the Bible can in fact err on disciplinary matters from a Catholic view (the pope is not seen as infallible except under the criteria of ex cathedra statements).

Savonarola's conviction that he had a mission from God, based on his visions, led to these and other similar statements that appear in all of his sermons. He also attacked the Italian, particularly the Roman clergy in strong terms.

“The scandals,” he says, “begin in Rome and run through the whole of the clergy; they are worse than Turks and Moors. In Rome you will find that they have, one and all, obtained their benefices by simony. They buy preferments and bestow them on their children or their brothers, who take possession of them by violence and all sorts of sinful means. Their greed is insatiable, they do all things for gold. They only ring their bells for coin and candles; only attend Vespers and Choir and Office when something is to be got by it. They sell their benefices, sell the Sacraments, traffic in masses; in short, money is at the root of everything, and then they are afraid of excommunication. When the evening comes one goes to the gaming table, another to his concubine. When they go to a funeral a banquet is given, and when they ought to be praying in silence for the soul of the departed they are eating and drinking and talking. They are steeped in shameful vices; but in the day-time they go about in fine linen, looking smart and clean. Many are absolutely ignorant of their rule and where to find it, know nothing of penance or the care of souls. There is no faith left, no charity, no virtue. Formerly it used to be said, if not pure, at least demure. Now no one need try to keep up appearances, for it is considered a disgrace to live well. If a priest or a canon leads an orderly life he is mocked and called a hypocrite. No one talks now of his nephew, but simply of his son or his daughter. The … go openly to S. Peter’s; every priest has his concubine. All veils are cast aside. The poison is so rank in Rome that it has infected France and Germany and all the world. It has come to such a pass that all are warned against Rome, and people say, ‘If you want to ruin your son make him a priest’” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 27).

The scene on the last day of the Carnival in Florence (which had been Christianized during Savonarola’s moral campaign with devotional songs replacing the bawdy Carnival songs) witnessed a far stronger condemnation by Savonarola:

“O ye priests,” Savonarola cried out from the pulpit on the 1st March, “you have surpassed the pagans in contradicting and persecuting the truth of God and His cause. O my children, it is evident now that they are worse than Turks. Now must we resist the wicked as the martyrs resisted the tyrants. Contend ye evil-doers against this cause like pagans; write to Rome that this Friar and his friends will fight against you as against Turks and unbelievers. It is true that a Brief has come from Rome in which I am called a son of perdition. Write that he whom you thus designate says that he has neither concubines nor children, but preaches the Gospel of Christ. His brethren, and all who follow his teaching, reject all such deplorable things, frequent the Sacraments, and live honestly. Nevertheless, like Christ Himself, we will somewhat give way to wrath, and thus I declare to you, that I will preach no more from this pulpit except at the request of those who desire to lead a good life. I will preach in S. Marco but to men only, not to women; under the present circumstances this is needful” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 28).

The Florentine envoy did not reply to the pope’s complaints in regard to Savonarola’s sermons and his complaints of the Florentines continuing to adhere to Savonarola and his authority. Then on the 25th of February, 1498, the pope told the Envoys, “even Turks would not endure such insubordination against lawful authority,” he then threatened to lay an Interdict on the entire city of Florence. Days later, the pope the signed a Brief to the Florentines which states the following: “On first receiving notice of the pernicious errors diffused by that child of iniquity, Girolamo Savonarola, we required him to abstain entirely from preaching, and to come to Rome to implore our pardon and make recantation; but he refused to obey us. We commanded him, under pain of excommunication, to join the Congregation of S. Marco to the new Tuscan-Roman Congregation, and again he refused to obey, thus incurring, ipso facto, the threatened excommunication. The which sentence of excommunication we caused to be pronounced and proclaimed in your principal churches, likewise declaring that all who heard, or addressed, or held intercourse with the said Girolamo would incur the same penalty. Nevertheless, we now hear that, to the grave hurt of religion and the souls of men, this Friar still continues to preach, despises the authority of the Holy See, and declares the excommunication to be null and void. Wherefore we command you, by your duty of holy obedience, to send the said Fra Girolamo to us, under safe custody; and if he return to repentance, he will be paternally received by us, inasmuch as we seek the conversion, not the death, of the sinner. Or at least put him apart, as a corrupt member, from the rest of the people, and keep him confined and guarded in such wise that he may have speech of none, nor be able to disseminate fresh scandals. But if ye refuse to obey these commands, we shall be forced to assert the dignity of the Holy See, by subjecting you to an Interdict and also to other and more effectual remedies” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 29-30). The brief contained a clear threat of Interdict against Florence marking a serious escalation in the pope’s war with Savonarola. The pope also made a demand for Savonarola to be handed over to papal custody. Similar terms were again expressed by the pope, on the 7th of March, the Florentine Envoy presented the reply of his Government to the Brief of 26th February (stating that if Savonarola continues to preach he will be faced with Interdict and all other “lawful punishments”). The reply pointed out that Savonarola had never entered the pulpit in the Cathedral since the arrival of the Brief, defended him warmly on all points, declaring that he had been calumniated, and it was stated that the Government of Florence was unable to comply with the pope’s request. The pope hit back, “this is a sorry letter,” he stated to the Florentine Envoy on the 7th March, “that your Government has written to me. I am not misinformed, for I have myself read the sermons of this Friar of yours, and conversed with people who have heard them. He despises the censures and has had the insolence to call the Pope a ‘broken tool,’ and to say that he would sooner go to hell than ask for absolution.” The Florentine government continued to permit Savonarola to preach and the pope demanded that he be silenced or the whole city will be put under Interdict. The Florentine government through their envoy explained there was nothing reprehensible in the teachings of Savonarola, however the pope stated that he did not condemn Savonarola for his doctrines rather he condemned him for his disobedience to the pontiff (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 31). The pope’s sentiment was backed up by a new Brief dated 9th March, strongly denouncing Savonarola and his disobedience to his demands once more. After the pope received further accounts of Savonarola’s sermons, there was now a new consultation with several cardinals with the result being that now the forbidding of Savonarola’s preaching was no longer enough, now Savonarola must be placed in Rome. The consequences laid out in the event that this does not happen was not only the placing of Florence under Interdict, but all Florentines residing in Rome would be arrested and put in prison with their property being confiscated (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 33). The pope reportedly offered Savonarola a chance to cease preaching and receive absolution. Then after that, to be allowed to preach once more (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 34). However, on the 13th of March, Savonarola wrote a letter to the pope stating that he had “made a compact with his enemies, and let loose savage wolves against an innocent man.” Savonarola followed this letter, he called for a new council to determine the fate of the pope who he deemed as “guilty of simony, a heretic and an unbeliever.” The Frateschi pressed the Florentine Envoy in France and Spain to support his plan; Savonarola then addressed a letter to the Kings of France, Spain, England, and Hungary, and the Holy Roman Emperor, strongly urging them to convoke a Council (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 35).

“The hour of vengeance has arrived,” he wrote in this document, “God desires me to reveal His secret counsels and to announce to all the world the dangers to which the barque of Peter is exposed in consequence of your slackness. The Church is steeped in shame and crime from head to foot. You, instead of exerting yourselves to deliver her, bow down before the source of all this evil. Therefore, the Lord is angry and has left the Church for so long without a shepherd. I assure you, in verbo Domini, that this Alexander is no Pope at all and should not be accounted such; for besides having attained to the Chair of S. Peter by the shameful sin of simony, and still daily selling Church benefices to the highest bidder; besides his other vices which are known to all the world, I affirm also that he is not a Christian, and does not believe in the existence of God, which is the deepest depth of unbelief.” After this introduction, he required all Christian Princes to unite in convoking a Council as soon as possible in some suitable and neutral place. On his side he not only bound himself to substantiate all his charges with irrefragable proofs, but also assured them that God would confirm his words by miraculous tokens” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 35-36).

The push for a Council acquired a real force due to the pope’s (Rodrigo de Borja) growing unpopularity. The pope’s extreme nepotism, giving up on the projects of reform which had been announced, and other elements of his moral character which were publicly known aroused bitter feelings against him in not only Italy but also abroad. Savonarola was able to secure a pronouncement in favor of his plans for calling a Council from Charles VIII of France on 7th January 1497, from the Sorbonne. The pope got wind of many of these discussions and this marked a new stage in the conflict (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 36-37).

The Frateschi’s hold over Florence had greatly diminished. Revealed especially in 1497 when Piero de’ Medici attempted a coup to make himself master of the city, leading to the execution of five of his adherents. The Frateschi increasingly had to fight hard to maintain their position against the Medici Arrabiati, with the excommunication further weakening the Friar’s position. Disputes over his guilt or innocence grew more prominent. Savonarola’s revolutionary attitude was also strongly stigmatized by the Franciscans of Sta Croce. Then when the Florentine government finally prevented Savonarola from preaching, his enemies redoubled their attacks on him. The Dominicans remained one of Savonarola’s great political assets, in wearied in defending him; their argument resting in his divine mission (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 38). The state of tension between Florence and Rome due to the Florentine government’s championing of Savonarola, had a considerable effect on the number of those skeptical of Savonarola. For many making Florence an enemy of Rome, regardless of Savonarola’s guilt or innocence, was unthinkable (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 39-40).

On the final day of the 1498 Carnival, before a gathered crowd, Savonarola held the Blessed Sacrament and prayed fervently, “O God, if my words are not from Thee, I entreat Thee to strike me down this very moment” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 40). Then, on Quinquagesima Sunday of that same year, he again implored, “I entreat each one of you to pray earnestly to God that if my doctrine does not come from Him, He will send down a fire upon me, which shall consume my soul in hell.”

Throughout his sermons, Savonarola frequently recounted stories of times when truth was only acknowledged after God’s direct intervention, even going so far as to offer to walk through fire as proof of his divine mission. Given these bold claims, it was hardly surprising that, on March 25, 1498, a Franciscan friar named Francesco of Apulia responded publicly to the challenge. Preaching in S. Croce, Francesco declared his willingness to face the ordeal by fire alongside Savonarola, stating, “I fully believe that I shall be burnt, but I am ready to sacrifice myself to free the people from this delusion. If Savonarola is not burnt with me then you may believe him to be a prophet” (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 41).

Savonarola’s adversaries quickly realized that this issue could likely lead to his downfall. “If he enters the fire,” they reasoned, “he will be burnt; and if he does not, he will forfeit the faith of his adherents, and it will be easy to stir up a riot, during which he may be arrested.” Determined to push for the ordeal, they aimed to secure the Government’s approval. This effort faced opposition from some who saw the proposal as scandalous, and Savonarola’s reluctance to accept the challenge personally also complicated matters. Despite this, the majority agreed that any method, including the ordeal if necessary, should be employed to resolve the city’s divisions. Supporters of Savonarola were particularly enthusiastic about the ordeal, remembering his repeated assurances that one day his words would be divinely validated and his foes would be defeated—and now, it seemed, that day might have arrived (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 42).

The statements that Domenico da Pescia aimed to prove through the ordeal by fire were precisely those most challenged by Savonarola’s critics. These propositions included: “The Church of God is in need of reform; she will be chastised first and then renovated. Florence also will be chastised and afterwards restored and flourish anew. All unbelievers will be converted to Christ. These things will come to pass in our own time. The Excommunication pronounced against our revered father, Fra Girolamo Savonarola, is invalid and may be disregarded without sin.”

Despite the Government’s stance on the ordeal, which should have prompted caution, Savonarola and his followers, deeply influenced by the visions of Fra Silvestro Maruffi, ignored any practical concerns. On March 30th, the Signoria decreed that if the chosen champion for either side failed in the ordeal, that faction would be required to leave the city; if either combatant refused to enter the fire, they would face the same consequence; and if both were burned, the Dominicans would be declared the defeated party. By April 6th, a new decree had removed any penalties for the Franciscans, instead stipulating that if Fra Domenico died in the ordeal, Savonarola would have to leave Florence within three hours (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 43).

On April 4, 1498, one of the Frateschi’s main political leaders, Francesco Valori, was murdered, and any remaining Frateschi influence in the government began to unravel. Then the long-awaited day of April 7th, set for the ordeal, finally arrived. Any doubts Savonarola had were dispelled by a vision of angels reported by Fra Silvestro. That morning, after saying Mass, he addressed those in attendance, saying, “I cannot promise you that the ordeal will take place, for that does not depend upon us; but, if it does, I have no hesitation in assuring you that our side will triumph.” With this, he and his followers proceeded to the Piazza, singing the Psalm, “Let God arise and let His enemies be scattered,” as they marched in a solemn procession. The Franciscans, who had arrived earlier and without fanfare, were already waiting. A massive crowd had gathered, eager to witness the spectacle, and the government had taken steps to ensure order (Pastor, Ch. 1, p. 43-44).

When the Dominicans arrived a dispute broke out over the specifics and whether it was acceptable to bring a crucifix in with them into the flames. With Fra Domenico refusing to abandon it, creating upheaval amongst some of the crowd and the Franciscans present. It ended before any trial by fire occurred. It is reported that a sudden rain drenched many leading to the canceling of the ordeal. Turning public opinion against Savonarola and the Frateschi.

Later, Fra Girolamo, Fra Silvestro Maruffi, and Fra Domenico were arrested and promptly imprisoned. While in his prison cell, Savonarola composed meditations on Psalms 51 and 31. On the morning of May 23, 1498, the three friars were led out into the main square, where, before a tribunal, they were sentenced to die immediately. Each of them was put on separate gallows, and they were hanged while fires were ignited below them to burn their bodies.

Savonarola’s religious and political views[edit | edit source]

Views on the papacy and papal supremacy

“Therefore, since the government of the Church is superior to the rest, all Christian assemblies are brought under one head, just like the members of the whole body; thus, all parishes are under the authority of their priests, and cities are under their bishops, and all of these, finally, are under the pope. And so, because the principal power is assigned to this same head, it is inevitable that the good and the bad of the group depend upon it.”

"Although Christ is in heaven as the true and sole head of the church, he has left St.Peter as his representative on earth ... all the faithful should be united under the pope as the supreme head of the Catholic Church, the mother of all other churches."

Views on Mary

“The womb of the Virgin Mary is more capable than the whole world.”

Views on the working class

“The other good provision is that the shops be opened and that everyone, and especially the poor, be able to work and support himself with his labor. I would give comfort to those who still wait to lighten their burden and especially to those who are most in need.”

“I say of provision for the poor. […] Gather all the poor and provide for all their needs.”

Views on revolution

“If he that would summon a Parliament be of the Signoria, let his head be cut off; if he be not of it, let him be proclaimed a rebel and all his goods confiscated; … should the Signoria seek to call a Parliament … all may cut them to pieces without sin.”

“O Italy, and princes of Italy, and prelates of the Church, the wrath of God is upon you, and you have no remedy but to be converted! et a sanctuario meo incipiam [Ezech. 9:6]. O Italy, O Florence, propter peccata tua venient tibi adversa! Oh, nobiles, oh, potentes, oh, plebei, manus Domini est supra vos, et non resistet potentia, sapientia, vel fuga! And it will come about not because you do not know how things have been ordered. O princes of Italy, flee the land of the North.”

“Let Christ be your Captain, the One Who gives you a new reform of holy living. That reform which has been preached to you is nothing other than unity, that is, the love of God and neighbor. This is nothing other than God’s commandment: Hoc est mandatum meum, ut diligatis invicem [Ioh. 15:12, with mandatum from 13:34]. For this reason, I have told you to make this universal peace, and if you will do these things I have told you, you will be a glorious city, and Christ, your Captain, will conduct all your affairs, and you will be the reform of all Italy and even outside of Italy.”

Views on government

“You others, the new officers, you must, at the very least, arrange this universal peace before you leave office. Nunc, reges, intelligite; I speak to you who must now rule and govern: heed what I say to you. […] Be diligent and solicitous about the common good and this universal peace. Christ is your King, and may you be His ministers. Be glad and thank Him for choosing you as His coadjutants. […] God wants to perfect this work in every way, so be sure to be good champions and good ministers. Apprehendite disciplinam; study well what you have to do because you have to labor in this work for the City of God. Confide all to God, not to men, and have no doubt that God will assist you. Now our boat, as I have said, remains at sea and sails toward the harbor, that is, toward the peace which Florence must have after her tribulations. Officers old and new, all of you together, see to it that this universal peace is realized; make sure that good laws are passed in order to stabilize and strengthen your government.”

“Take Christ as your King and place yourself under His law, by which He governs you.“

“Now, Florence, what would you have? What leader, what king can be given you so that you remain at peace? I have told you before that one leader ruling alone is better for every place and every country; St. Thomas [Aquinas] says that in Italy princes become tyrants […]. Now, Florence, God wants to make you happy and wants to give you a leader and a King to govern you, and this is Christ see, here our psalm says so: Ego autem constitutus sum rex. The Lord wants to rule over you, if you would have it so, Florence.”

“Thus, since government of the community is established to maintain the common good so that people may live together peacefully, dedicate themselves to virtue, and more easily attain to eternal felicity, that government is good which diligently seeks to maintain and increase the common good and induces people to live uprightly and virtuously and, most importantly, to perform their religious duties. That government is bad which forsakes the common good and attends to its own particular benefit, heedless of human virtue or living uprightly if such is not useful to its own particular benefit; such a government is called a tyranny. And so we have seen the necessity of government among humankind, and what constitutes good and what bad government in general.”

“That accursed vice of sodomy, for which you know that Florence is infamous throughout the whole of Italy; this infamy arises perhaps from your talking and chattering about it so much, so that there is not so much in deeds, perhaps, as in words. Pass a law, I say, and let it be without mercy; that is, let these people be stoned and burned. On the other hand, it is necessary that you remove from among yourselves these poems and games and taverns and the evil fashion of women’s clothes, and, likewise, we must throw out everything that is noxious to the health of the soul. Let everyone live for God and not for the world, all in simplicity and charity, so that we may all sing: Eccequam bonum et quam iocundum habitare fratres in unum.”

“It is necessary, as I have told you before, to pass laws against the vice of sodomy and infamous persons, and that every vice be excluded from your city.”

Views on society

“Therefore, give yourselves, my sons and daughters, to simplicity and let go superfluous things, the pomp and the vanities, which I tell you are snares of the devil, which trap you without your realizing it. Slowly, slowly, little by little, they draw you at last to the dwelling-place of the devil. Let go of possessions, give them to the poor, and especially I say to you, priests: begin a little to live simply and be the first to begin, in order to show the way and give good example to others.”

Marxist analysis[edit | edit source]

Engels argued (most clearly in the first and second paragraphs of his work On the History of Early Christianity [a]) that Catholicism was an expression of the class-consciousness of Rome's urban and rural poor: the proletarii, colonni, and plebes. It would only make sense that the same faith would, as the centuries drag on, do much the same with the urban and rural poor in the medieval/early modern periods and this was shown quite clearly with the overthrow of the Medicis in Florence during the late 15th century. This Florentine Revolution led to the establishment of a hardline Catholic and Savonarolan popular republic in Florence, with policies which could be described as truly revolutionary.

Engels adduces the example of Roman Christians donating to one another so as to pay fees, taxes, and the like, while bearing witness to one another at a trial. Sometimes, bishops like St. Augustine would coordinate Christians to do this across cities. In his case, he did it to get the Roman governor of Africa (Carthage, basically) to enforce rights which had been granted to slaves post-Constantine and Nicea.

From a Christian perspective, God’s will can and does manifest itself in such ways. The emergence of Catholicism in Rome as an expression of the class consciousness of the urban and rural poor—the proletarii, colonni, and plebes—was nothing other than the manifestation of God’s will from the Catholic perspective. As Fr. Rocafull (Spanish Republican priest) stated in “Crusade or Class War? The Spanish Military Revolt,” as follows:

“If the working-class has reached its majority, why should it not be given the role which belongs to it in the social direction of society? Through the events of history is clearly visible the hand of God leading His people to their destiny, and if on every side we notice the signs of a growing ascension of the working-class, we may be allowed to think that God wishes to make use of this class for His purposes of redemption” (Rocafull, p.12).

Reported miracles[edit | edit source]

The healing of St. Catherine of Ricci

The beatification of this holy person [St. Catherine of Ricci] was founded on the well-established fame of her great sanctity, and duly authenticated account of numerous visions, raptures, revelations, ascribed to her while living, and miracles accorded to her intercession after death.

St. Catherine of Ricci obtained miraculous healings by prayer addressed to Fra Girolamo Savonarola, whom she referred to as a martyr.

The account of her miraculous cure, of her belief that Savonarola’s spirit had visited her, that he was a martyr, and a member of the church triumphant in heaven, rests on evidence that cannot be contravened, without depriving the other testimony as to her visions and miraculous manifestations of much value. It rests on her own statements, authenticated by the contemporary superiors of her convent, and of her order, of her brother, a man of great sanctity, Father Timothy de Ricci of the Dominican order, and of several eminent ecclesiastics and prelates of her times. And on such testimony, it is recorded in the works of Burlamacchi.

Sources:

The life and martyrdom of Savonarola, Volume 2, p. 128 - https://i.ibb.co/Lp54BQH/The-life-and-martyrdom-of-Savonarola-Volume-2-p-128.jpg

The life and martyrdom of Savonarola, Volume 2, p. 129 - https://i.ibb.co/Km7kLxN/The-life-and-martyrdom-of-Savonarola-Volume-2-p-129.jpg


The ascension of his spirit to heaven

The beatified Colombia of Perugia, we are also informed, on the morning of Fra Girolamo’s execution, being at mass in the church of St. Domenico (far distant from Florence), began to weep bitterly, and after a little time to seem consoled and made happy, and when asked the cause of his deep grief and subsequent content, replied, that he had seen three brothers of his order put to death in Florence, and their spirits, ascending to heaven, accompanied by angels.

The Pope’s legate, then at Perugia, hearing of this occurrence, immediately despatched a courier to make inquiries in Florence, and the truth of that wonderful vision was made manifest to him.

Source:

The life and martyrdom of Savonarola, Volume 2, p. 131 - https://i.ibb.co/QjM4qLS/The-life-and-martyrdom-of-Savonarola-Volume-2-p-131.jpg


Communication with the living

Burlamacchi’s Life of Savonarola terminates with a detailed account of miracles alleged to have been wrought by Fra Girolamo, or by means of prayer, of those firmly established in the belief of his sanctity, or the efficacy of his relics, of visions of holy persons who believed they had communication with his departed spirit long after his decease.

Sources:

The life and martyrdom of Savonarola, Volume 2, p. 125 - https://i.ibb.co/k9MGb2r/The-life-and-martyrdom-of-Savonarola-Volume-2-p-125.jpg

The life and martyrdom of Savonarola, Volume 2, p. 126 - https://i.ibb.co/99yd4hy/The-life-and-martyrdom-of-Savonarola-Volume-2-p-126.jpg


Recognition:


Touron states that “in the process of canonization of Saint Philip Neri, it is observed that this saint had a singular veneration for Jerome Savonarola, whose image he preserved with great respect, and whose works he read with profit.”

Raynaldus, in his Annals (1558), says that St. Philip Neri had recommended to Pope Paul the Fourth the canonization of Savonarola.

Burlamacchi relates one fact of his own knowledge, well deserving of attention in Rome, and of consideration on the part of it’s present illustrious sovereign. That trustworthy author states:— “I was present when Pope Julius the Second said in the convent fella cerq—that willingly he would have canonized him, (Fra Girolamo)— Io fu presente quando Papa Guilio II. disse nel convento della cerq che volontieri l’avrebe cannonezato.”


Source:

The life and martyrdom of Savonarola, Volume 2, p. 131 - https://i.ibb.co/SrC0X1Y/The-life-and-martyrdom-of-Savonarola-Volume-2-p-131.jpg


Benedict, that enlightened Pontiff, in his great work on the canonization of saints, in an eighth volume, introduces three catalogues. In the first, there is a list of notable events; in the second, of proper names, in which list he places heretics; in the third, of saints, beatified persons, servants God, of venerable and illustrious men, and others remarkable for sanctity— Elenchus sanctorum, beatorum servorum Dei, virorumque aliarum sanctitatæ venerabilium et illustrium; and in this category he places Savonarola. And, moreover, in the course of his work, he avails himself of the writings of Savonarola, referring to his doctrines and opinions in confirmation of his views.

Sources:

The life and martyrdom of Savonarola, Volume 2, p. 131 - https://i.ibb.co/vhvMFd9/The-life-and-martyrdom-of-Savonarola-Volume-2-p-131.jpg

The life and martyrdom of Savonarola, Volume 2, p. 132 - https://i.ibb.co/bBCnDJR/The-life-and-martyrdom-of-Savonarola-Volume-2-p-132.jpg


Savonarola’s legacy[edit | edit source]

After Savonarola’s death and the later restoration of the Medici dynasty to power, many of Savonarola’s followers, known as the Piagnoni, survived but were forced underground. They continued to support Savonarola’s message, supported the establishment of a theocratic republic, and demanded reform in the Catholic Church. Despite this call for reform, the Piagnoni had little in common with Protestant theology or Protestant opposition to the existence of the papacy. This, however, did not stop Protestant reformers such as Martin Luther from trying to claim Savonarola’s popular legacy for their own cause. Many Piagnoni who were fervent followers of Savonarola went on to also become staunch opponents of Protestantism, such as St. Philip Neri. Niccolo Machiavelli, a critic and contemporary of Savonarola, said Savonarola’s main effort was attacking the opposition in order to weaken them and fortify his own party:

“Now that our friar was in his own house, if you had heard with what boldness he began preaching and with how much he continued, it would be an object of no little admiration. Because, fearing greatly for himself and believing that the new Signoria would not be reluctant to injure him – and having decided that quite a few citizens should be brought down with him – he started in with great scenes of horror; with explanations that were quite effective to those not examining them closely, he pointed out that his adherents were excellent people while his opponents were most villainous, and he drew on every expression that might weaken his opponents’ party and fortify his own.” Letter written by Machiavelli on a sermon he heard from Savonarola on March 1498.


Pope Pius XII’s view on Fra Girolamo Savonarola:

“Savonarola shows us the strong conscience of the ascetic and an apostle who has a lively sense of things divine and eternal, who takes a stand against rampant paganism, who remains faithful to the evangelical and Pauline ideal of integral Christianity, put into action in public life as well and animating all institutions. This is why he started preaching, prompted by an interior voice and inspired by God.”

https://archive.ph/1Lyqc#cite_note-Pius_XII-11

Sources:[edit | edit source]

  • “Girolamo Savonarola calling for a people’s revolution against the ruling class” https://archive.ph/fXsMl
  • Andrea. “Girolamo Savonarola.” Your Contact in Florence, 14 Sept. 2015, archive.ph/cWbqK.

"More experienced, Savonarola came back to Florence in 1490. This time he started preaching against corruption at any level, with no regard for the Catholic Church itself, corrupted at any level, gaining the appreciation of the lower classes. Soon enough he became popular, and even though Lorenzo de Medici started to worry about him, he was not banned from Florence. Lorenzo tried to fight Savonarola using an Augustinian friar who preached against him, with no good results. Savonarola was elected Prior of San Marco, while Lorenzo, seriously ill, called him to have his blessing. We are not sure if he received this blessing or not, but anyway he died few days later, leaving the Medici family in bad shape, with many branches of the bank in bankruptcy and a son, Piero 'The Unfortunate', unable to keep together the allied of the family. At the same time, Rodrigo Borgia was elected Pope Alexander VI, one of the most corrupted in history."

  • Encyclopaedia: Girolamo Savonarola, https://archive.ph/q4ItZ
  • Political and Party Passions: Girolamo Savonarola and the Florentine Crowds, https://archive.ph/boGiD
  • Girolamo Savonarola: "Aggeus, Sermon VII”
  • Girolamo Savonarola: "Aggeus, Sermon XIII”
  • Girolamo Savonarola: "Aggeus, Sermon XIII”
  • Girolamo Savonarola, "A Dialogue concerning Prophetic Truth: in Selected Writings of Girolamo Savonarola: Religion and Politics, 1490-1498, trans. and ed. Anne Borelli and Maria Pastore Passaro (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 109.
  • Van Paassen, A Crown of Fire: The Life and Times of Girolamo Savonarola, pp. 246-247.
  • Sermoni e prediche
  • Girolamo Savonarola, "Aggeus, Sermon VII: in Selected Writings of Girolamo Savonarola: Religion and Politics, 1490-1498, trans. and ed. Anne Borelli and Maria Pastore Passaro (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 150.
  • Girolamo Savonarola, "Aggeus, Sermon VII: in Selected Writings of Girolamo Savonarola: Religion and Politics, 1490-1498, trans. and ed. Anne Borelli and Maria Pastore Passaro (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 149.
  • „If he that would summon a Parliament be of the Signoria, let his head be cut off“ https://archive.ph/kBo4U
  • Girolamo Savonarola, "Psalms, Sermon III: in Selected Writings of Girolamo Savonarola: Religion and Politics, 1490-1498, trans. and ed. Anne Borelli and Maria Pastore Passaro (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 76.
  • Girolamo Savonarola, "Aggeus, Sermon XIII: in Selected Writings of Girolamo Savonarola: Religion and Politics, 1490-1498, trans. and ed. Anne Borelli and Maria Pastore Passaro (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 171-172.
  • Girolamo Savonarola, "Aggeus, Sermon XIII: in Selected Writings of Girolamo Savonarola: Religion and Politics, 1490-1498, trans. and ed. Anne Borelli and Maria Pastore Passaro (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 174.
  • Girolamo Savonarola, "Aggeus, Sermon XIII: in Selected Writings of Girolamo Savonarola: Religion and Politics, 1490-1498, trans. and ed. Anne Borelli and Maria Pastore Passaro (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 171.
  • Girolamo Savonarola, "Aggeus, Sermon XIII: in Selected Writings of Girolamo Savonarola: Religion and Politics, 1490-1498, trans. and ed. Anne Borelli and Maria Pastore Passaro (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 171.
  • Girolamo Savonarola, "Treatise on the Government of Florence: in Selected Writings of Girolamo Savonarola: Religion and Politics, 1490-1498, trans. and ed. Anne Borelli and Maria Pastore Passaro (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 179.
  • Girolamo Savonarola, "Aggeus, Sermon XIII: in Selected Writings of Girolamo Savonarola: Religion and Politics, 1490-1498, trans. and ed. Anne Borelli and Maria Pastore Passaro (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 157-158.
  • Girolamo Savonarola, "Aggeus, Sermon XIII: in Selected Writings of Girolamo Savonarola: Religion and Politics, 1490-1498, trans. and ed. Anne Borelli and Maria Pastore Passaro (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 161.
  • Girolamo Savonarola, "Aggeus, Sermon VII: in Selected Writings of Girolamo Savonarola: Religion and Politics, 1490-1498, trans. and ed. Anne Borelli and Maria Pastore Passaro (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 147.
  • [a] First paragraph:

Christianity was originally a movement of oppressed people: it first appeared as the religion of slaves and emancipated slaves, of poor people deprived of all rights, of peoples subjugated or dispersed by Rome.

Second paragraph:

If, therefore, Prof. Anton Menger wonders in his Right to the Full Product of Labour why, with the enormous concentration of landownership under the Roman emperors and the boundless sufferings of the working class of the time, which was composed almost exclusively of slaves, “socialism did not follow the overthrow of the Roman Empire in the West,” it is because he cannot see that this “socialism” did in fact, as far as it was possible at the time, exist and even became dominant—in Christianity.


External links[edit | edit source]

  • Image (needs to be added to the wiki)